The thesis examines the Chinese concept of a Community of Shared Future for Mankind (CSFM) and how it fits into the Gramscian theory of international hegemony both theoretically and practically. To...Show moreThe thesis examines the Chinese concept of a Community of Shared Future for Mankind (CSFM) and how it fits into the Gramscian theory of international hegemony both theoretically and practically. To do this, the thesis examines various theories of hegemony and finds them to rely on universalism, the production of consent, and homogeneity. This runs contrary to the pluralistic CSFM. Theoretically, the two concepts do not match. The practical side relies on the examination of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) documents and the Beijing Declaration from the First South-South Human Rights Forum. The thesis here finds that these two are linked to CSFM. However, due to the theoretical issues in CSFM, such as pluralism and the lack of an ability to absorb counter-hegemonic ideas, CSFM fails as a challenger for world hegemony and to the Gramscian approach to hegemony. It might instead be better suited as a regional hegemonic idea due to a shared common sense in the East Asia region.Show less
Uruguay‘s favourable position on the Corruption Index is one which has baffled many scholars in the region. While many attempt to explain Uruguay‘s success by looking at specific policies and...Show moreUruguay‘s favourable position on the Corruption Index is one which has baffled many scholars in the region. While many attempt to explain Uruguay‘s success by looking at specific policies and programmes that have been implemented in the last two decades, this paper attempts to explain the low corruption levels by analysing the shift in the Uruguayan political structure. The long drawn out transformation, from a state riddled with clientelistic-networks towards a programmatic political spectrum, illustrates that the country has improved its levels of universalism and that the manner parties compete for votes has drastically changed. This paper argues that the shift towards programmatic politics is due to a number of events that took place after the Military Authoritarian-Regime. The dissatisfaction with the traditional parties, after the fall of the authoritarian state, allowed for the left-wing parties to surge. The increase in electoral strength of the left meant the introduction of a third actor within the political realm. This new actor broke the equilibrium of co-participation that the traditional parties had been experiencing for a prolonged time. The disruption of this equilibrium meant that the traditional parties now had to change the manner for competing for votes, from a clientelistic and particularistic manner towards a programmatic and universalistic approach. Nevertheless, institutional reforms together with the decentralization of power ensued in the 1990s further reducing corruption levels. We come to the conclusion that in order to grasp the success of Uruguay concerning its corruption levels, one has to look at the broader political shift, as the policy and programmes that have been implemented in the last two decades are nothing but a bi-product of said transformation.Show less
