Environmental protection is an increasingly salient topic for contemporary society, especially in the context of the climate crisis. People all around the world are engaging in environmental...Show moreEnvironmental protection is an increasingly salient topic for contemporary society, especially in the context of the climate crisis. People all around the world are engaging in environmental activism, yet environmentalism research has disproportionately centered on the West. Considering how most countries on the front lines of climate change are non-Western, this gap must be rectified. Southeast Asia (SEA) is a region severely overlooked in this regard, particularly in terms of what environmentalism actually brings here. There is insufficient knowledge on how SEA states respond to environmental activism, despite the relevance for its citizens and environmental sector practitioners, who witness some of the worst repercussions of environmental degradation. Therefore, this paper aims to expand our understanding of state responses to SEA environmentalism and contentious political action by investigating Vietnam and the Philippines. A comparative study was conducted on these two cases, which employed qualitative content analysis on texts like news articles to study responses to environmentalism. Findings reveal that both countries display a variety of responses, but are most inclined to repress. However, they differ considerably in how they approach each response type in terms of methods, actors involved, and consistency. It is proposed that each country’s distinct response pattern is linked to its respective regime type, as suggested by existing literature on contentious political action. Beyond the popular notion that non-democracies are more likely to repress contentious claim-making, this study illustrates how hybrid regimes can be more covert and lethal in their repression than other regimes. From these findings, this paper stresses the importance of local socio-political contexts for those engaged in environmental protection and advocacy. Additionally, this investigation hopes to spur similar research on other SEA countries and expand the political science literature on this region.Show less
Countries in Southeast Asia in the 21st century are both dependent on China when it comes to economic affairs such as trade, but also infrastructure investment. At the same time, these countries...Show moreCountries in Southeast Asia in the 21st century are both dependent on China when it comes to economic affairs such as trade, but also infrastructure investment. At the same time, these countries are in conflict with China, about the South China Sea, in which China claims a bigger part of this sea than Southeast Asia would like. This thesis discusses the following research question: Why do Southeast Asian countries maintain Chinese infrastructure investments despite the territorial dispute about the South China Sea?Show less
Funan is an ancient state centred on the southern Mekong delta between the 1st and 6th century CE. Traditionally, Funan has been seen largely in terms of its long-distance contacts to India,...Show moreFunan is an ancient state centred on the southern Mekong delta between the 1st and 6th century CE. Traditionally, Funan has been seen largely in terms of its long-distance contacts to India, limiting thorough studies of regional interaction. This research instead focuses on regional exchange and interaction within the Mekong delta, thereby centring indigenous Southeast Asian developments and connecting long-distance interactions with local dynamics. To assess the role of Funan in riverine and coastal exchange networks this paper studies the assemblages of stone and glass beads, ceramics and metal objects in mainland Southeast Asia. Results show that the stone bead types and the type of glass used in glass beads differs in the Mekong delta and other parts of mainland Southeast Asia. The ceramic assemblage is overwhelmingly local, with some stylistic parallels to South Asian shapes common in mainland Southeast Asia. The metal assemblage at Funan sites is mainly gold, as gold was produced at Funan sites. The gold assemblage at Funan sites is distinct from that at nearby sites in mainland Southeast Asia. The results indicate a clear difference between the material distributions within the Mekong delta and the coastal regions of mainland Southeast Asia, as well as showing intensive connections to South Asia that led to rapid socioeconomic changes around the 3rd century CE. The exchange network centred on the Mekong delta primarily involves localized prestige objects utilizing South Asian elements or techniques. The localized objects are distributed throughout the Mekong delta and are distinct from prestige objects spread in other parts of mainland Southeast Asia. This indicates the importance of long-distance connections as well as the building of local alliances using exotic prestige objects, and shows the valuable connections of riverine local trade with coastal exchange. The results also demonstrate the importance of recognizing and studying the fluidity of the maritime exchange network of mainland Southeast Asia by effectively utilizing approaches from maritime archaeology.Show less
By applying Prospect Theory to the escalation of the Vietnam War, I provide a different understanding of why the Johnson administration issued Operation Rolling Thunder. The domestic and...Show moreBy applying Prospect Theory to the escalation of the Vietnam War, I provide a different understanding of why the Johnson administration issued Operation Rolling Thunder. The domestic and international uncertainty of 1963 and 1964 shifted the United States to the domain of loss compared to the reference point, namely the status quo. In line with Prospect Theory, this resulted in a riskier strategy than necessary. Furthermore, South Vietnam’s symbolic status as a front line against communism, in line with the containment politics of the Cold War, provides a complementary explanation for the risky strategy of escalating the war. The irrationality of focusing on a bombing campaign while neglecting the Vietnamese people is explained by the immense risk the United States thought it had to take to save South Vietnam.Show less
This paper examines the way three games embody different trends in the cultural memory of the Vietnam war. It concludes that games offer a unique reflection of the cultural memory by asking players...Show moreThis paper examines the way three games embody different trends in the cultural memory of the Vietnam war. It concludes that games offer a unique reflection of the cultural memory by asking players to adopt, if not agree with, a systematic model of history and in so doing bring deeper layers of understanding to the surface.Show less
This thesis examines the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on working conditions in Thailand and Vietnam. I hypothesise that FDI has a positive effect on working conditions, and that the...Show moreThis thesis examines the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on working conditions in Thailand and Vietnam. I hypothesise that FDI has a positive effect on working conditions, and that the effect is more pronounced in Vietnam where institutions appear to be stronger and the labour force is entitled to more rights, including the rights to organise and collective bargaining. As previous research has shown, contrary to the common notion of ‘race to the bottom’, FDI is attracted to countries with adequate labour policies. Further, governments play an important role in creating positive spill overs of FDI through the establishment of labour institutions, unions, and wage policies. The analysis has shown that the Thai government’s policies, despite some amendments to its legal framework, are less labour- friendly than Vietnam’s. In Vietnam, however, labour institutions and unions’ top members still lack neutrality and legislation doesn’t promote active employee participation. To conclude, the impact of FDI on labour conditions appears to be stronger in Vietnam, thanks to more labour-oriented policies and institutions.Show less
With a ubiquitous contemporary discourse on China’s hegemonic rise and current territorial disputes in the South China Sea, China’s historical rivals joining the major power’s grand economic...Show moreWith a ubiquitous contemporary discourse on China’s hegemonic rise and current territorial disputes in the South China Sea, China’s historical rivals joining the major power’s grand economic projects seems anomalous. This paper will show that despite historically problematic China-Vietnam relations, Vietnam still agreed upon joining the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) due to a dependence on China for national survival. More specifically, an economic interdependence forces Vietnam to cooperate with China on projects like the BRI, as Vietnam’s regime legitimation relies on economic growth. This reality is more so related to the implications of Vietnam hypothetically refusing, than to agreeing to join however. Defection instead of cooperating on the BRI, would make Vietnam’s economic growth precarious as Vietnam is familiar with how China reciprocates these choices. Although this still leaves multiple factors forcing Vietnam’s BRI membership an unlikely reality, this paper will show that these factors are overridden by the US as a significant actor when it comes to Vietnam's cooperation on the BRI. And when it comes to reasons why China has decided to integrate a ‘historical enemy’ into the BRI, one will find that China’s contemporary dependence on Vietnam is a significant variable in the matter. These findings will be made apparent by applying game theory’s prisoner's dilemma to the bilateral event of Vietnam joining China’s grand economic initiative.Show less
In recent years, the European Commission’s trade policy strategy shifted from the multilateral system towards a more bilateral approach with the new generation FTAs. Furthermore, the strategy...Show moreIn recent years, the European Commission’s trade policy strategy shifted from the multilateral system towards a more bilateral approach with the new generation FTAs. Furthermore, the strategy shifted the underlying incentives for trade from solely economic interests towards an approach that embraced more normative goals, for example standards for environmental and labor market issues. Within the literature, the debate regarding the nature of the EU’s trade policy contemplates this dilemma and seeks to clarify how Trade and Sustainable Development chapters function within trade policy. The dilemma is what has been described within the literature as the norms versus interests debate. Within this debate, the concepts of Normative Power Europe and Market Power Europe play a central role in defining the identity of the EU’s power. Both concepts have been incorporated within studies into the role of norms and economic incentives within the EU’s foreign policy. A large share of these studies agrees that within trade policy, norms are subordinate to economic incentives. The push for a more normative agenda, however, is gaining traction within the EU and has led to more attention from various actors for normative arguments. In recent years, the mobilization of actors and institutional changes in the process have given more weight to the normative argument. This thesis is thus researching how a more recent agreement has been influenced by this process: the EU-Vietnam free trade agreement. In this case study, it will become evident that the extent to which norms are being incorporated in FTAs and the degree of effectiveness of their enforcement is rather absent. The EP and NGOs voiced concerns regarding human and labor rights at various stages during the process. This led to the Commission developing alternate initiatives to address human rights issues within Vietnam, such as a roadmap within which the Vietnamese committed to ratify conventions of the International Labour Organisation. However, the roadmap is not enforceable through the FTA and other enforcement tools remain relatively weak within the eventual agreement. The conclusion can be drawn that there have been attempts to influence the Commission’s normative agenda through various institutional channels. These attempts at influencing the process might have set a precedent for future FTAs that might become more effective compared to this case.Show less
This research provides a comparison and analysis of the economic growth in China and Vietnam with a focus on the environmental aspect so that Vietnam can learn from China's experiences. The...Show moreThis research provides a comparison and analysis of the economic growth in China and Vietnam with a focus on the environmental aspect so that Vietnam can learn from China's experiences. The research found four key aspects important for environmental-friendly economic growth. The first aspect is environmental policies, which need the right implementation and enforcement to work properly. The second aspect is the energy mix, that needs to be diverse with enough forms of renewable energy. With the share of renewable energy growing in the mix, both the energy demand and the environment will benefit. The third aspect FDI raises the human capital level, which has a positive effect on innovation of production processes and a sustainable economy. Lastly, there is ASEAN which promotes regional cooperation in the field of environmental sustainability, to tackle regional cross-border problems. The right implementation of these four aspects is the key to environmentally friendly growth in Vietnam.Show less
This thesis has looked at the case of approximately 450 Vietnamese refugees who came from Czechoslovakia to the Netherlands in the 1990s after the Velvet Revolution.
In this thesis I examine the interaction between the marketization of education and class in Vietnam and China. I used Marxist class theories in combination with Bourdieuian concepts of class...Show moreIn this thesis I examine the interaction between the marketization of education and class in Vietnam and China. I used Marxist class theories in combination with Bourdieuian concepts of class habitus and cultural capital to conclude that marketization of education did not result in changing class relations in Vietnam and China, arguing against Victor Nee’s theory that marketization of education would lead to increased social mobility. Due to marketization the state lost total control over education, however, the new none-state actors and institutions remained subordinate to the state. The dominant class maintained their cultural capital and gained economic capital due to marketization. The working class did not gain the economic and cultural capital needed for access to the marketized education system. This dynamic resulted in a more rigid class divide, making social mobility less likely.Show less
The Organisation internationale de la Francophonie was created to stimulate cooperation between its members, to whom the French language is important. However, it was established shortly after...Show moreThe Organisation internationale de la Francophonie was created to stimulate cooperation between its members, to whom the French language is important. However, it was established shortly after decolonization and many of its first members were former colonizers and former colonized countries. This raises the question to what extend the Francophonie really is a decolonized organization. To answer this question, three countries have been analysed more closely. These are France, Senegal and Vietnam. History shows that all three have a long colonial history. France as colonizer, Senegal and Vietnam as colonies. Vietnam gained independence earlier than Senegal, but with more bloodshed. All three countries have been members of the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie since its establishment. This organization has developed over the years, with membership expanding in all global directions and addressing themes in more domains than at its start. Analysis through close reading of the contributions made by the three countries at the general summits shows that relations of dependency still exist. When it comes to economic independence, it is clear that Senegal and Vietnam need the contributions that France makes to the organization. However, when it comes to political independence, the three countries appear to be equal to each other.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis compares the texts of Vietnamese national history written in the colonial period by two competing reformist intellectuals Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải. Exposed to the currents of...Show moreThis thesis compares the texts of Vietnamese national history written in the colonial period by two competing reformist intellectuals Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải. Exposed to the currents of thought such as Social Darwinism and the theory of evolution in early twentieth century Asia, both of them realised the backwardness of Vietnam and stressed the necessity of reform. However, Phan decided to fight against the French while Hoàng chose to collaborate with them. As will be shown in this thesis, both Phan and Hoàng, despite the difference of their political stances, endeavoured to justify their respective propositions by constructing the historic past of Vietnam. As two reformist intellectuals, Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải regarded the introduction of Western civilisation in late nineteenth century Asia as a key moment for the Vietnamese people to get rid of their backward conditions and evolve into a civilised nation. However, they shared different opinions about the nature of this transition of Vietnam. Phan Bội Châu was inclined to view the French invasion as a “Messianic” moment which marked the “rupture” between the past and present in Vietnamese history. In his historiography, Vietnamese society in the past centuries was inherently barbarous, and this barbarousness led to the current backwardness of the country. Meanwhile, Phan Bội Châu, as an anti-French activist, emphasised that the salvation of the Vietnamese nation should never rely upon the assistance of France. He insisted that albeit France was a civilised state, it played an anti-progressive role in the process of Vietnam’s modernisation. Therefore, resisting against the French colonisation naturally became the most important step in the national salvation and rejuvenation. To justify his anti-French proposition, Phan constructed a genealogy of national heroes who, out of their inherent “anti-foreign nature”, participated in the resistance against China’s invasions in the previous millennia. Meanwhile, he included the present anti-French revolution into the glorious anti-foreign tradition of the Vietnamese nation. Hoàng Cao Khải systematically refuted Phan in Việt sử kính and Việt sử yếu. Based on the theory of the transition of models of civilisation, however, Hoàng Cao Khải argued that it was not the inherent barbarousness of the Vietnamese people but the decay of the model of civilisation that Vietnam followed in previous times that resulted in the inferior status of Vietnam in the current international competition. In Hoàng’s narrative, the history of Vietnam is depicted as a gradual and consistent process towards civilisation, in which China, because of its superiority in competition, functioned as the first model for Vietnam to follow and eventually made the later a domain of civilisation. Considering the power of France which had been demonstrated in its recent competitions with Vietnam, Hoàng suggested that France had already replaced China as the new model of civilisation for Vietnam to follow. In the face of Phan Bội Châu’s emphasis on the anti-foreignness of the Vietnamese nation, Hoàng employed the analytical framework of the dichotomy between “universal principle” and “brute force” to analyse those uprisings against the China’s colonisation and argued that most of them were merely contingent responses to inappropriate policies based on the “brute force”. Moreover, by utilising the ideas of Social Darwinism to reinterpret the connotation of “universal principle”, Hoàng justifies the behaviour which employed “brute force” in the process of disseminating so-called “universal principle” and civilisation. Apart from their interpretation of the past, this thesis examines their imagination of the future as well. Based on their discussions about the issue of Champa, it points out the shared “pro-imperial” orientation of Phan and Hoàng in their opinions on the international status of Vietnam after modernisation. That is, neither Phan (despite his anti-colonialist stance) nor Hoàngrealised the underlying nature of the phenomenon of colonialism itself let alone intending to challenge or subvert the current colonial order. The world they envisioned in which a decolonised Vietnam situated is still established upon asymmetrical relations of power.Show less
A large number of Southeast Asian female immigrants married Taiwanese men and have resided in Taiwan with a marital status since the 1990s. They are now the fifth biggest ethnic group and are...Show moreA large number of Southeast Asian female immigrants married Taiwanese men and have resided in Taiwan with a marital status since the 1990s. They are now the fifth biggest ethnic group and are officially called ‘New Immigrants’ in Taiwan. According to the Taiwan Social Change Survey conducted by Academia Sinica about the public attitude towards Southeast Asian marriage immigrants in 2004 and 2014 respectively, we find an evident pattern that the overall public attitude towards Southeast Asian marriage immigrants has become more positive and inclusive during this decade. In this thesis, on the basis of the survey data, I argue that the marriage immigrants’ social capital plays a pivotal role in the transformation of public discourse in Taiwan. I apply the theory of social capital to analyze how the New Immigrants’ social capital is generated, accumulated and exchanged, and focus on three forms of social capital: bonding, bridging and linking. I propose that a broad social network based on their social capitals enabling marriage immigrants to participate in public affairs is the core element which affects the overall attitude of the host country.Show less
The main theme of the research consists in finding how multicultural identities of diasporic return migrants are actualized and expressed. Acknowledging the discursive nature of heritage, we can...Show moreThe main theme of the research consists in finding how multicultural identities of diasporic return migrants are actualized and expressed. Acknowledging the discursive nature of heritage, we can understand story-telling as a means to define one’s cultural identity. However, as language is tied to culture, we might consider a more universal form of expression that transcends cultural categorization to cease the multi-faceted and fluid identity of returnees. The following research attempts to establish art and visual representation as individual conscious or unconscious means of expression of cultural identity. This was illustrated on the hand of a case-study focused on a specific group of diasporic return migrants in Vietnam: the French Vietnamese returnee artists of Saigon . It was based on the analysis of the works of four French Vietnamese artists, locally defined as French “Viet Kieu” (“Overseas Vietnamese” in English): Sandrine Llouquet, Bao Vuong, Mai-Loan Tu and Florian Nguyen. In the first instance, the research process drew a contextual framework of Vietnamese society in parallel with the development of the Saigonese contemporary art scene to understand the experiences of the artists reported in their biographies in order to underline their relationship to Vietnamese heritage. In the second instance, ethnographic methods combined with their interpretive biographies informed an iconological study of their artistic production that identified potential expressions of their Vietnamese heritage in their work. Finally, the two approaches were combined in a synthetic exercise that helped drawing conclusions on the transmission of Vietnamese heritage and the general definition of the artists’ cultural heritage and identity.Show less
The relationship between humanitarian aid and peace prospects, and the differences between this in the case of a proxy civil war and a non-proxy civil war is that in a proxy civil war there is a...Show moreThe relationship between humanitarian aid and peace prospects, and the differences between this in the case of a proxy civil war and a non-proxy civil war is that in a proxy civil war there is a greater need for a specific case approach because proxy civil wars are much more complicated. In a non-proxy civil war a peaceful situation has to been agreed on on the local level and humanitarian aid could contribute to peace prospects, in a proxy civil war humanitarian aid affects peace prospects to a lesser degree because of the multi-layered nature of this type of conflict where on all layers of the proxy civil war peace has to be agreed on. Moreover, aid providers, donors, and other (foreign) involved actors have more influence on a proxy civil war than in a non-proxy civil war and therefore humanitarian aid could adversely affect peace prospects.Show less
Het debat omtrent de Vietnamoorlog in Nederland wordt gekenmerkt als een vooral linkse aangelegenheid. In deze scriptie wordt aangetoond dat het rechtse kamp ook een stem in het debat heeft gehad....Show moreHet debat omtrent de Vietnamoorlog in Nederland wordt gekenmerkt als een vooral linkse aangelegenheid. In deze scriptie wordt aangetoond dat het rechtse kamp ook een stem in het debat heeft gehad. Door De Telegraaf te bekijken wordt duidelijk hoe het oordeel van de krant, en daardoor in zekere zin het rechtse kamp, luidde over de Vietnamoorlog in het Nederlandse debat.Show less
