Dit onderzoek gaat over de strekking van de cultuur van geweld binnen de Black Panther Party in de Verenigde Staten tijdens haar bestaan van 1966 tot 1982. Een cultuur van geweld is hierin een...Show moreDit onderzoek gaat over de strekking van de cultuur van geweld binnen de Black Panther Party in de Verenigde Staten tijdens haar bestaan van 1966 tot 1982. Een cultuur van geweld is hierin een omgeving waarbij geweld en het gebruik van geweld genormaliseerd, geaccepteerd en verheerlijkt wordt. Om dit te bewerkstelligen is gekeken naar de factoren van de organisatie, elementen van de beeldvorming en de invloed van omstandigheden buiten de Black Panther Party op de cultuur van geweld.Show less
The aim of this study is to analyse how the public attitude to violence and the public attitude to the police influence the shaping of the public attitude towards police violence. This study makes...Show moreThe aim of this study is to analyse how the public attitude to violence and the public attitude to the police influence the shaping of the public attitude towards police violence. This study makes use of a quantitative research model based on a distributed survey on police violence (N = 122). The survey was distributed in the Netherlands and therefore this study will mainly look into the public attitude to police in the Dutch context. Attitude to violence will be set in a more general context. Furthermore, a comparison was made to analyse which of the two predictors that were analysed would have a stronger relationship with the public attitude to police violence. The covariates ethnicity and nationality are present as a possible explanation for the results found in this study, as both of them are found to potentially impact attitudes to police and attitudes to police violence (Bryant-Davis et al., 2017; Dukes & Kahn, 2017). Analysis was done using simple linear regression models and a comparison of results. It was found that the public attitude to violence has a negligible positive relationship with the public attitude to police violence. A moderately strong relationship was found between public attitude to the police and public attitude to police violence.Show less
This thesis aims to study the use of analysis on skeletal remains in order to understand more about life histories of individuals from population in warfare during the late medieval and early...Show moreThis thesis aims to study the use of analysis on skeletal remains in order to understand more about life histories of individuals from population in warfare during the late medieval and early modern eras. This research was done by comparing the data presented by four different literary sources. Each of them represents a collection from a specific battle and set. The sites that were used were the battle of Towton in 1461, England, the battle of Lützen in 1632 Germany, the battle of Good Friday in 1520 Uppsala, Sweden, and the Siege of Alkmaar in 1573, the Netherlands. The data on sex and age at death estimation, ante-mortem, peri-mortem and any existing stress related pathological condition was presented and later compared. The analysis and comparison done to the data reveals a majority of young adult males in these populations, they all present ante-mortem and peri-mortem trauma that correlates to the historical context of the battle as well as presenting injuries that can evidence the extent of violence that was seen in this time period. The pre-existing stress related conditions revealed that Schmorl's nodes were the most substantial evidence and that it was predominantly seen in young adults. The results that this thesis presented when compared, show a lot of similar information across all of these sites, when added together they reveal a full picture of the extent of life of these individuals. The evidence for pre-existing conditions in young adults points to a life of hard labour, and since this is something seen in two of the collections, comparison can be made and it can be interpreted that life in these two territories was not easy. At the same time a predominant majority of young adult males correlated to what is expected to find in medieval armies, however the evidence for females and young children can reveal a new perspective to the information, seeing as how warfare could affect not only those we were in direct involvement with the military. It was later shown that in comparison to each other, all of these collections can id in the creation of a basis for further studies in the area of life histories of individuals from the late medieval and early modern North-western Europe.Show less
FBI Director Christopher Wray testified in Congress that the number one threat to the American people pertains to radically motivated violent extremist groups and their subsequent violence (Beaver,...Show moreFBI Director Christopher Wray testified in Congress that the number one threat to the American people pertains to radically motivated violent extremist groups and their subsequent violence (Beaver, 2020). Additionally, Wray highlighted that white supremacists and anti- government groups represent the most lethal perpetrators within the United States territory. Due to the escalating transnational threat of the far-right there is an urgent need to expand understanding relating to the modus operandi and characteristics of these groups and their attacks. In light of this, the research agenda of this thesis is to twofold. First this thesis aims to contribute a newly established dataset, the RVT-USA, which focuses on manifestations of right-wing violence and terrorist (RVT) incidents in the United States. Second, in consideration of the collected event data, a protest event analysis is conducted and the results of such are discussed regarding the perpetrator, incident, target, and weapon type of RVT incidents during the period. Findings of such suggested that incidents of RVT in the United States decreased throughout the Trump Administration and were predominately carried out by lone actors who premeditated and planned their attacks, mainly targeted ethnic and religious minorities, and used a combination of explosives, arson and firearms. Overall, the research findings define the far-right landscape as diverse, with far-right motivations being split between the desire to either communicate symbolic messages or to inflict mass casualties.Show less
Regional acts of terrorism remain a significant problem for the countries of West Africa. This thesis seeks to explain the reasons for rebel movements to resort to such sub-national terrorism. By...Show moreRegional acts of terrorism remain a significant problem for the countries of West Africa. This thesis seeks to explain the reasons for rebel movements to resort to such sub-national terrorism. By basing its theoretical framework on the academic literature explaining violence against civilians, this thesis explores the phenomenon of sub-national terrorism. The rebel movements of Boko Haram, the Movement of Democratic Forces in the Casamance (MFDC) and the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) are discussed. By giving meaning to the use of violence against civilians across West Africa, this work aims to discover what exactly leads rebel organizations towards employing methods of sub-national terrorism.Show less
This thesis seeks to explore and understand the manner in which elite actors in Iraq constructed the sectarian violence in 2006 between the Shia and Sunni communities. To comprehensively analyse...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore and understand the manner in which elite actors in Iraq constructed the sectarian violence in 2006 between the Shia and Sunni communities. To comprehensively analyse this period, this paper will make use of Dexter and Jackson's framework "the Social Construction of Organised Political Violence". It will show how elites – called agents of political violence – used specific discourses and discursive sites to bring about the conditions necessary for political sectarian violence. However, this paper also argues that one cannot understand the sectarian violence in 2006 outside of the context of the U.S' invasion and subsequent occupation.Show less
There exists a confusing and conflicting narrative at the core of the Irish Civil War's historiography. On one hand it has been portrayed as a bitter and savage conflict, while on the other, one in...Show moreThere exists a confusing and conflicting narrative at the core of the Irish Civil War's historiography. On one hand it has been portrayed as a bitter and savage conflict, while on the other, one in which the fighting was exaggerated and overstated. This paper uses a study of the Irish Civil War in the geographical unit of County Kerry to argue that this confusing dichotomy has existed because of the absence of any systematic analysis of that most elemental factor in any armed conflict, the actual violence. Using a micro-level analysis of the violent deaths of National Army soldiers and IRA men in Kerry during the conflict this paper argues that the IRA prosecuted the war using controversial and contentious tactics while a culture of indiscipline in the National Army saw it engage in reprisals and extra-judicial killings as its main means of asserting control.Show less
The objective of this paper is, then, to engage with the opposition between play and seriousness and the advantages of overcoming that opposition. The main question that will guide this inquiry is...Show moreThe objective of this paper is, then, to engage with the opposition between play and seriousness and the advantages of overcoming that opposition. The main question that will guide this inquiry is how and in what sense understanding reality as play and, thus, to live as players, is more advantageous over and above understanding reality in terms of seriousness. At first blush, this question is a question of hope inspired by the same aversion for violence that characterizes much of idealist seriousness. However, the question is fundamentally tragic, for it acknowledges that violence cannot be overcome. Therefore, the question is posed in terms of relative advantage, because the claim is not that the question of violence is resolved by play.Show less
The research focus of this thesis is an analysis of Angela Carter's writing as her means of exploring and renouncing traditional ideals of femininity and social roles prescribed to women. Two...Show moreThe research focus of this thesis is an analysis of Angela Carter's writing as her means of exploring and renouncing traditional ideals of femininity and social roles prescribed to women. Two recurrent themes from her canon - violence and madness, are juxtaposed and analysed in relation to widespread gender stereotypes surrounding masculinity and femininity. Through exploration of the influence of psychoanalysis, psychiatry, cultural and literary depictions of women, this thesis traces Carter's manner of offering critique and analyses her role of a feminist writer.Show less
Looking at the possibility of violence in local manifestations of global protest movements can help predict the likelihood of violence occurring during new instances of protest. Looing at Occupy...Show moreLooking at the possibility of violence in local manifestations of global protest movements can help predict the likelihood of violence occurring during new instances of protest. Looing at Occupy Wall Street and the Global Justice movement and their local chapters in New York, London and Hamburg has led to several insights. Despite the disconnect between conflict and violence, the underlying logic of using violence as a repertoire of contention becomes evident. The time available for both the preparation of the protest and the response from the authorities do play a role in determining the degree of violence. Spontaneous protests, such as Occupy Wall Street in New York and London only were met with attention, and later violence, when their primary goal of public deliberation became evident. The violence was coupled with attempts at eviction. In case of Global Justice Movement protests as a response to the G20 summits in London and Hamburg, the activists had a longer time to prepare, which gave the authorities to prepare a response. Moreover, the protesters only had a limited time available and had to utilise that time to make their demands known. It appears, therefor, that the temporality of a protest is a significant factor in the likelihood of violence.Show less
The study questions how violence broke out during the Colombian protracted social conflict between the FARC and the Colombian state. By using the war system to study violence the research brings a...Show moreThe study questions how violence broke out during the Colombian protracted social conflict between the FARC and the Colombian state. By using the war system to study violence the research brings a new perspective on the Colombian armed conflict. The research’s findings suggest that the Colombian war system broke after the FARC expanded in the early 1980s. As a result, a set of events was set in motion related to the balance of power and the economic opportunities of the fighting actors. While the territorial expansion of the FARC provided new opportunities for the paramilitaries in terms of privatized protection, both actors grew rich on the Colombian coca boom. The study then uses Marxist Political Economy to analyze conflicting interests between the FARC and the paramilitary forces, leading to a struggle for land. The methods employed by the actors to pursue their goals translated into the exorbitant levels of violence that have characterized the conflict.Show less
Lynchings became a common practice in Guatemala after the signing of the peace accords in 1996.Since lynching has become a source of serious concern in post-war Guatemala, it is of vital importance...Show moreLynchings became a common practice in Guatemala after the signing of the peace accords in 1996.Since lynching has become a source of serious concern in post-war Guatemala, it is of vital importance that the underlying causes of this phenomenon receive a more profound analysis, in order to discern, and consequently address, the root causes of this issue. Due to the often complex and multi-causal nature of violence it is imperative that these problems be tackled from a similar multifaceted perspective. However, the incidence and geographical dispersion of lynching in Guatemala provide clues as to possible factors and conditions of interest as focal points for further analysis.The central hypothesis of this thesis is that widespread loss of social capital and the profound alteration of fundamental social and communal relations have left communities vulnerable to ‘frontier’ practices such as vigilantism and lynching. In the absence of a strong and capable legitimate power, the democratic transition left rural and marginalised communities isolated in an already volatile political and security situation, while pre-existing social disjunctions persisted. In an attempt to re-establish order in a context of psychosocial and collective trauma, perched on the razor’s edge of a near-defunct legal system, violence remained as the only tool in their armoury to settle conflict, exert social control, and impose moral authority.Show less
