From the beginning of the 18th century small groups of Chinese migrated to Southeast Asia. The Hakka from East Guangdong (China) migrated to West Borneo and founded kongsis, which were groups of...Show moreFrom the beginning of the 18th century small groups of Chinese migrated to Southeast Asia. The Hakka from East Guangdong (China) migrated to West Borneo and founded kongsis, which were groups of mining laborers who agreed to divide labor and financial responsibilities. The Hakka worked in gold mines, farms and trade. The kongsis had a high level of autonomy. Chinese autonomy started to decline in 1823, when several kongsis, like Lanfang, accepted Dutch rule and paid taxes to them. Migration from China ceased and it did not increase until the 1900s. In 1884, the last remaining kongsi federation, Lanfang, collapsed. Thus, the last institute of Chinese autonomy in WB ceased to exist. After a period of relative stability following the collapse of the last kongsi, between 1912 and 1942 a series of important politico-economic events came to shape the Chinese community of West Borneo in new ways. Between 1884 and 1912, the Chinese Districts remained autonomous, as the Dutch government did not formally proclaimed the territory as Dutch and the Dutch did little to intervene in Chinese economy and politics. From the end of the 19th century, the amount of Chinese who migrated to WB increased and the total Chinese population in the area became larger. Interestingly, the new gulf of immigration to West Borneo encompassed more women than during the migration movements of the previous century. The living conditions in China were bad, as there was a Civil War, political instability, the threat of Japanese imperialism threatened political coherence and stability. There was also a lack of land to farm – which obviously had dire economic repercussions. offered an opportunity for a better future. The thesis focuses on certain politcal-economic events, to show if there were any changes in the autonomy of Chinese in politics and economy, after the collapse of the last kongsi.Show less
Unlike the general pattern in post-war Indonesian that the revolution dynamic swept the traditional rulers away—killing some and humiliating all, there was a great intention in West Borneo to re...Show moreUnlike the general pattern in post-war Indonesian that the revolution dynamic swept the traditional rulers away—killing some and humiliating all, there was a great intention in West Borneo to re-embrace to the traditional aristocracy, who were welcoming the return of the Dutch. On the other hand, revolutionary sentiment supporting the Unitarian-Indonesia rang weaker. Actually, during the short Japanese interregnum, the traditional sovereignty in West Borneo was devastated: all of the ruling sultans were killed, together with some prominent royal members. Interestingly, the traditional authority was soon restored, just after the capitulation. The questions for this research revolve around: Why did the revolutionary republican fail to emerge which meant that fragile commitment to the new nation Indonesia was shown? On the other hand, why was its political development strongly marked by the prevailing of “re-clientelism”? In doing so, this research traces back the political development focus on two rapid changes: post-kongsi war in the late eighteenth century and post-Japanese interregnum. It argues that although, post-kongsi war, Batavia intended to exercise more direct control over its margin, the colonial government eventually only institutionalized the ethic bossism which enhanced strong ethnic political identity. As a consequence, the society still lived within their-own ethnic columns with brokered authority but very limited aces to the state practice by which later provided only weak support to the newly independence state of Indonesia.Show less
