This thesis examines how states try to evade accountability through denying accusations of human rights violations. It aims to fill the gap in the existing literature by analysing which stigma...Show moreThis thesis examines how states try to evade accountability through denying accusations of human rights violations. It aims to fill the gap in the existing literature by analysing which stigma rejection strategies are most applied by states, and how successful these strategies are for evading accountability. This research project consists of an in-depth discourse analysis of the case of Israel and their response to human rights violations in the occupied Palestinian territories. It does so according to a threefold analysis focussed on identifying (1) the accusations towards Israel, (2) Israel’s response to those accusations and (3) the outcome of that response. The analysis shows a consistent engagement of Israel with various forms of denial, which indicates that they do not have a clear preference on which stigma rejection strategies to adopt. The outcome of Israel’s response is unsuccessful in the sense that Israel does not manage to change the narrative of other states and persuade them of their innocence. The use of stigma rejection strategies can thus not be seen as a leading or direct cause for evading accountability.Show less
This research examines the link between transparency and accountability, by adopting a Single Case-Study design. It studies how the Rijks ICT-dashboard, a transparency-platform listing all Dutch...Show moreThis research examines the link between transparency and accountability, by adopting a Single Case-Study design. It studies how the Rijks ICT-dashboard, a transparency-platform listing all Dutch governmental IT-projects that cost over 5 million Euros, affects and is affected by, the relationships that together make political accountability. Political, civil service and oversight interviews as a main source have been supplemented by examining parliamentary records. We conclude that the Rijks ICT-dashboard generally does not succeed in leading to more accountability. Members of Parliament lack the time and knowledge to structurally and actively monitor IT-based policy execution through using the Dashboard, rather depending on external ‘fire-alarms’ for their information, and as such tend to focus on failing IT-projects. When using the Dashboard’s data, MPs tend to question its validity and trustworthiness instead of using it to ask substantive questions. Civil servants fear failure-related consequences instigated by this incident-driven political debate, and tend to use a wide array of strategies to ‘dodge’ reporting on the Dashboard. This leads to a further distrust amongst both parties, and to MPs demanding more transparency out of principle, with little understanding of its practical and structural use. It can be expected that this leads to further dodging. As such, the Dashboard is a product of negative characteristics of the relationship of political accountability, and in turn further reinforces these characteristics. To mitigate this negative cycle, we advise a higher update-frequency, and a major shift in emphasis from quantitative to qualitative transparency on the Dashboard, focusing on linking IT-projects to the political debates, actively showing projects’ successes and societal value, and aiming to keep the barriers to use the information as low as possible.Show less
Over the years, large multilateral banking institutions like the World Bank have attracted substantial criticism regarding their private sector investments. However, the World Bank’s International...Show moreOver the years, large multilateral banking institutions like the World Bank have attracted substantial criticism regarding their private sector investments. However, the World Bank’s International Finance Corporation (IFC) branch, the largest private sector focused global development institution, and the IFC’s independent accountability body, the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman (CAO), have not received much scholarly attention. By means of a thematic content analysis, this research seeks to investigate the following research question: How do different accountability mechanisms shape the Dispute Resolution and Compliance role of the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman? The theoretical foundations of this research build on agent-centric constructivism and the forum-based accountability model. Based on the Wilmar Jambi case in Indonesia and the operational policies of the CAO and IFC, it can be concluded that social accountability is integrated to different extents, depending on which role the CAO performs. Furthermore, the analysis finds that the CAO’s authority as an administrative accountability body ultimately depends on the IFC’s voluntary compliance.Show less
This experimental study examines the effects of social value orientation and accountability on the choices made in a volunteer’s dilemma. This is a dilemma in which at least one person must...Show moreThis experimental study examines the effects of social value orientation and accountability on the choices made in a volunteer’s dilemma. This is a dilemma in which at least one person must sacrifice their time and effort for everyone to have the benefits. In the experiment I used 156 participants (N = 156). 88 of them were men. The participants in this study were divided in groups of three before being presented with the volunteer’s dilemma. A logistic regression analysis showed that being prosocial did not have a significant influence on participants’ choice to volunteer and that being held accountable for this choice did not either. This outcome is different from what would be expected based on existing literature. At the end of this thesis, theoretical and practical implications are discussed and suggestions for follow-up research are considered.Show less
Verzelfstandiging bij de overheid is al een aantal jaren een trend. Een type organisatievorm dat hierbij hoort is de zogenaamde zelfstandig bestuursorgaan (zbo). Een organisatie die wat meer op...Show moreVerzelfstandiging bij de overheid is al een aantal jaren een trend. Een type organisatievorm dat hierbij hoort is de zogenaamde zelfstandig bestuursorgaan (zbo). Een organisatie die wat meer op afstand staat van de politiek en waar de minister niet direct voor verantwoordelijk is. Maar wat als die organisatie niet de prestaties haalt die (vanuit de samenleving en/of politiek) gewenst zijn, wie is er dan verantwoordelijk. In dit onderzoek is gekeken naar of en hoe de verantwoordingsrelatie tussen zbo en ministerie is veranderd na een reeks van incidenten. Er is gebruik gemaakt van kwalitatief onderzoek.Show less
Een verklarend onderzoek naar democratische verantwoording binnen PPS, geïllustreerd middels een casestudy van Groene Cirkel Heineken, een netwerksamenwerking tussen Heineken en Provincie Zuid...Show moreEen verklarend onderzoek naar democratische verantwoording binnen PPS, geïllustreerd middels een casestudy van Groene Cirkel Heineken, een netwerksamenwerking tussen Heineken en Provincie Zuid-Holland.Show less
Since requesting financial assistance from European and international partners in 2010, Greece has been involved in three consecutive macroeconomic adjustment programmes negotiated with the Troika...Show moreSince requesting financial assistance from European and international partners in 2010, Greece has been involved in three consecutive macroeconomic adjustment programmes negotiated with the Troika of international institutions: the European Commission, the European Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund. The European heads of states decided to provide the conditional assistance at the gatherings of the Euro Summit, an organisation where they also founded the Eurogroup and set conditions for Greece to start negotiations. After preparatory work by the Troika, the Eurogroup and the IMF shaped conditions and adopted decisions on the loan programmes. The Eurozone states, which contributed the majority of financing, channelled their financial assistance through the Greek Loan Facility, the European Financial Stability Facility, and the European Stability Mechanism. The IMF participated financially in the first two programmes, while remaining in stand-by in the third. Policy conditionality was specified in Memoranda of Understanding and formally adopted in Council Decisions adopted by the Council of the EU. It mainly consisted of Greece passing a number of austerity measures combined with specifically prescribed structural reform, a strategy based on the theory of expansionary austerity. The specific institutional rules and setup have given the international institution the power to shape Greece’s public spending and legislation in key areas such as labour, social field and more. Taking into account this impact and the consideration that institutions are the most important factors in the occurrence of poverty, while examining the theoretical and practical implications of austerity, this paper builds on the position proposed by Thomas Pogge that deliberate and predictable actions that lead to poverty can be deemed a violation of human rights. In particular, it explores whether the impacts of the conditionalities imposed on Greece by the mentioned international organisations can implicate their responsibility for the effect of their policies on the state of human rights in Greece, in particular the right to work and the right to social security.Show less
More and more media outlets and politicians are paying attention to the subject of political microtargeting, and with this increased attention comes an increasing awareness around the problems that...Show moreMore and more media outlets and politicians are paying attention to the subject of political microtargeting, and with this increased attention comes an increasing awareness around the problems that arise with the use of political microtargeting. These problems relate to ethical questions around the collecting and processing of the personal data of citizens, questions on transparency and accountability of both online platforms and political parties, and questions on how microtargeting fragments the public debate. How should governments handle these problems? What is the best way to regulate political microtargeting? This thesis contributes to research by establishing a framework for the analysis of policy on political microtargeting that can be used to examine whether the policy in a certain country or area effectively tackles the problems that come with the use of political microtargeting. The result is an analytical framework that offers two sets of criteria, one set on the regulation of online platforms regarding political microtargeting and one set on the regulation of political parties regarding political microtargeting. This framework is then tested by applying it to the Dutch case in a policy analysis by gathering evidence and judging the Dutch case based on the formulated criteria. Based on these findings, this thesis makes recommendations for improving regulation in the Netherlands, highlighting improvements for clear, technology-neutral, legislation for online platforms, better legislation for a transparent and level playing field for all political parties, requirements for party finance, and increasing the capacity of external oversight. In turn, this thesis shows that the established analytical framework can be effectively used in a policy analysis of a country or area to judge their regulation on political microtargeting.Show less
In deze scriptie wordt gekeken naar de manifestatie van het politiek vertrouwen in Chili tussen 1990-2010. Op basis van literatuuronderzoek worden er verbanden gelegd tussen vertrouwen,...Show moreIn deze scriptie wordt gekeken naar de manifestatie van het politiek vertrouwen in Chili tussen 1990-2010. Op basis van literatuuronderzoek worden er verbanden gelegd tussen vertrouwen, legitimiteit en tevredenheid.Show less
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) need to acquire donor funding to carry out projects. In the past, NGOs used to be progressive agents for social change. Nowadays, they are described as part of...Show moreNongovernmental organizations (NGOs) need to acquire donor funding to carry out projects. In the past, NGOs used to be progressive agents for social change. Nowadays, they are described as part of the development machine. The dependency of NGOs on donors and the competition between NGOs are both increasing. Donors also expect more reports from NGOs on projects. Altogether, the challenge for NGOs to get funding is increasing. At least, that is what the existing academic literature states. This research will examine these challenges for NGOs in the relation with donors for funding. It will answer the following research question: ‘What do Dutch NGOs see as the biggest challenge in the funding system with donors?’ The research will focus on the level of accountability, competition between NGOs for donor funding and dependency on donor funding. To answer the research question, a qualitative case study approach on Dutch NGOs was chosen. Semi-structured interviews with employees from Dutch NGOs were scheduled to gather data. This data explains how the three factors are perceived by the employees from Dutch NGOs and if this accords to the existing literature. The findings showed that the respondents from the NGOs did not unanimously express one of these three factors as burdensome. However, the respondents from the NGOs did express that the bureaucratic element in accountability is considered as the most challenging. Especially smaller NGOs (NGOs with less than 100 employees) experience the demanding reports as problematic. It increases the workload, which limits implementation time of the projects.Show less
This paper offers an analysis of (1) the practices of a donor agency involved in a private-public partnership (PPP) to account for its inputs in a development project through measurement frameworks...Show moreThis paper offers an analysis of (1) the practices of a donor agency involved in a private-public partnership (PPP) to account for its inputs in a development project through measurement frameworks and progress reports, and (2) the effects of the increased focus on results on the ability of a donor agency to account for its actions. This study examines the practices of Sida engaged as a donor agency in a PPP with UNIDO and Volvo in a project called Heavy Duty Equipment and Commercial Vehicles Maintenance Training Academy (HDECoVA) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The analysis of documents and interviews collected during a field trip to Ethiopia reveals that a mismatch exists between the results captured by the project’s measurement frameworks and progress reports developed by UNIDO, and the expectations of the Swedish government. The study further reveals that this mismatch can lead to tension between the different actors in the partnership and an increased vulnerability of Sida. The findings of this research lead to the conclusion that there are reasons to believe these challenges could become a constrain for donor agencies to address complex development challenges in the future or pose challenges for the collaborative process of PPPs.Show less
De journalistiek geniet het laatste decennium minder vertrouwen van de burgers. Om dit te herstellen proberen media meer verantwoording af te leggen over hun geleverde werk. Door middel van media...Show moreDe journalistiek geniet het laatste decennium minder vertrouwen van de burgers. Om dit te herstellen proberen media meer verantwoording af te leggen over hun geleverde werk. Door middel van media accountability systems, waarvan de mediaombudsman een goed voorbeeld is. De ombudsman functioneert als schakel tussen de lezers en de krant. Het instrument ‘ombudsman’ is in het leven geroepen toen internet nog niet bestond. In dit onderzoek is bekeken in hoeverre de ombudsman zich aanpast aan de mogelijk- en moeilijkheden die het internet biedt. Aan de hand van de ombudsmannen van De Volkskrant, NRC Handelsblad en De Standaard is geanalyseerd in hoeverre de ombudslieden op de hoogte zijn van de mogelijk- en moeilijkheden, en ze hier zelf iets mee doen en hoeveel waarde ze aan online kwesties toedichten. Er blijken verschillen te zijn tussen de ombudsmannen. Niet in de onderwerpen die ze aankaarten, maar vooral in de hoeveelheid aandacht die ze besteden aan online. In de columns komt het bij de ene ombudsman zelden aan bod, terwijl de andere zeer regelmatig over online kwesties schrijft. Ook blijkt dat de mogelijkheden die het internet biedt niet door alle ombudslieden evenredig wordt ingezet. Het zoeken van interactie met lezers is makkelijker geworden, maar wordt niet altijd benut, evenals de ruimte die het internet biedt om meer te publiceren. Samenvattend: ombudslieden zijn niet volledig aangepast op de mogelijkheden van het online mediaklimaat. De transparantie, wat een belangrijk doel is van het accountability instrument ‘ombudsman’, kan juist in het huidige mediaklimaat de waarde van een ombudsman vergroten.Show less
Om het vertrouwen in de journalistiek te verbeteren is het belangrijk om de accountability te verhogen. Journalisten moeten transparant zijn in hun werkwijze en waar nodig verantwoording afleggen....Show moreOm het vertrouwen in de journalistiek te verbeteren is het belangrijk om de accountability te verhogen. Journalisten moeten transparant zijn in hun werkwijze en waar nodig verantwoording afleggen. Een mogelijkheid hiervoor is bijvoorbeeld een ombudsman, maar deze is duur. Twitter, populair onder journalisten, is wellicht een goedkope oplossing. Iedere journalist is op Twitter zijn eigen ombudsman (Meier, 2009). Maar dat ligt lastiger, omdat Twitter ook een middel is om journalistieke producties te promoten. Een inhoudsanalyse naar duizend tweets van programmamakers van NOS op 3 toont aan dat frames (Esser en D’Angelo, 2003) die positief zijn voor de accountability vaker voorkomen dan frames die negatief zijn en vooral gericht ter promotie. Twitter maakt de nieuwsrubriek transparanter, omdat het een kijkje in de keuken biedt. Vooral foto’s verduidelijken het dagelijkse nieuwsproces. Echter, interviews met verschillende redacteuren van de nieuwsrubriek laten zien dat het gebruik van Twitter individueel verschilt. Een duidelijk handboek is nodig om alle neuzen dezelfde kant op te wijzen. Op die manier kan Twitter beter gebruikt worden als accountabilitytool, want die mogelijkheid lijkt het wel te bieden. Voorwaarde is dat het publiek beter aangesproken wordt, zodat er ook input komt vanuit de kijker. Nu zijn er nog nauwelijks conversaties, dus is er weinig verantwoording nodig. Al bestaat de kans dat het publiek helemaal geen behoefte heeft aan transparantie en verantwoording.Show less
