Southeast Asian states are working to set regional human rights standards concerning torture prevention. The relationship between Southeast Asia and international human rights law regarding torture...Show moreSoutheast Asian states are working to set regional human rights standards concerning torture prevention. The relationship between Southeast Asia and international human rights law regarding torture warrants increased academic attention. This text looks at the connection between the UN Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and torture prevention in Southeast Asia, conducting a small-N case study of torture prevention in Cambodia and the Philippines. It finds evidence consistent with stagnation in torture prevention in Cambodia and improved torture prevention in the Philippines following OPCAT ratification. Furthermore, Southeast Asian states may be diversifying in their approaches to international human rights law regarding torture according to political regime type.Show less
Research typically stresses the repressive component of authoritarian states-civil society relations, but the role of concessions in these relations is still under-studied. As such, these analyses...Show moreResearch typically stresses the repressive component of authoritarian states-civil society relations, but the role of concessions in these relations is still under-studied. As such, these analyses do not consider a broader spectrum of dynamics and overlook that authoritarian state relations with civil society often combine coercive and cooperative elements. Seeking to answer the question of what drives authoritarian rulers to give concessions to civil society, this research concludes that perceived country-level threats motivate state concessions to civil society organisations working alongside state objectives of national stability and social cohesion. Focusing on present-day China, this study uses congruence analysis to test its conclusions against those anticipated by the hypothesis. The results contest theories that assume the relationship between authoritarian rulers and their citizens as unidirectional and expand on the literature on “consultative authoritarianism.” In providing a broader understanding of these relations, this research also hopes to help equip democratic leaders looking to foster the growth of civil society in authoritarian nations with the knowledge that is helpful to formulate more context-appropriate and effective foreign policy goals and behaviour.Show less
The high rates of violence which exist in Mexico are largely connected to the existence of organized crime and the fruitless government counteractions against these groups. In the face of powerful...Show moreThe high rates of violence which exist in Mexico are largely connected to the existence of organized crime and the fruitless government counteractions against these groups. In the face of powerful criminal organizations and ineffective governance, Mexican civil society has mobilized to counteract this situation through the creation of social movements. This thesis therefore analyzes the ways in which different social movements in Mexico have emerged to resist the effects of organized violence between 2000 and 2020. Three case studies, in the form of unique social movements, have been selected for analysis due to their prominence, diversity, and reactions to organized violence. These include the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity, the Cherán Indigenous Movement, and the Mexican Anti-Femicide Movement. This thesis finds several primary factors which contribute to the rise of social movements, which include the roles of neoliberalism, hierarchical structures, and identity. Other patterns emerge in the organization of these movements, namely that they mobilize in cycles and are internally fragmented. Despite the varied context and relative age of many of these theories, this thesis has proven that they still apply to more recent movements, upholding their continued relevance in the field.Show less
A vast number of people have come to Greece as a consequence of the recent war in Syria. Of those, beneficiaries of international protection have the right to be integrated into Greek society....Show moreA vast number of people have come to Greece as a consequence of the recent war in Syria. Of those, beneficiaries of international protection have the right to be integrated into Greek society. Therefore, amplifying the efforts regarding refugees being socially included, given a chance to live in a safer and stable environment, and feel incorporated in Greece’s social structure is imperative. This study has an exploratory aim and qualitative research on this topic highlights various theoretical and practical implications of the challenges in the integration process, the uncovering of current gaps, and the levels of cooperation between three substantial actors involved; the Greek state, Greek civil society actors, and the International Organization for Migration.Show less
This thesis discusses the initial mental health care response and subsequent development of postdisaster mental health policies after the 1995 Hanshin-Awaji earthquake and 2011 Great East Japan...Show moreThis thesis discusses the initial mental health care response and subsequent development of postdisaster mental health policies after the 1995 Hanshin-Awaji earthquake and 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake. It seeks to discover which actors had which roles in the progress, and how responsibility and accountability have shifted. To accomplish this goal, a causal process tracing method was used which analyzes the causal mechanisms that shaped the development of post-disaster mental health policies after the 1995 and 2011 disasters. Afterwards, a comparative analysis was used to compare the policy shaping process from both periods. By doing this, we can ascertain if lessons regarding post-disaster mental health care response have been learned, and if so, in what way these lessons have had an effect on the post-disaster mental health care regulation. After the 1995 Hanshin-Awaji earthquake, the Japanese government was heavily criticized for their delayed action, while in contrast the local government, volunteers from the civil society and NPOs immediately came to action. At that time, there was not as much knowledge regarding post-traumatic stress disorder in Japan, and precautions were scarce. After the initial response and the first studies showing many victims battling mental health problems, the government developed post-disaster mental health policies. The 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake triple disaster was unprecedented in scope, and mental health care measures employed since the 1995 disaster were not sufficient. Local governments from across the country, volunteers and NPOs offered their immediate help, while the central government was struggling in Tokyo with inadequate leadership, political power games and inflexible regulations. In the wake of the destruction regulations were again implemented based on the lessons learned, but a real recognition of mental health care still seems far away. A large focus remains on reconstruction of houses, infrastructure and financial revitalization, while the mental health of the victims seems forgotten. The national government should take up more responsibilities to protect not only the physical, but also the mental health of its citizens, and finish large projects such as permanent housing and community building in the affected areas that will provide the victims with a relief of stress and uncertainty.Show less
This thesis sheds light on Moroccan governance actors’ perspectives on the multi-level governance of boat people in the Western Mediterranean. The central argument is that the inclusion of third...Show moreThis thesis sheds light on Moroccan governance actors’ perspectives on the multi-level governance of boat people in the Western Mediterranean. The central argument is that the inclusion of third countries’ perspectives on EU’s external border and migration policy is crucial to enhance the understanding of governance realities. The research question is: How did the Moroccan state and civil society react to the increasingly multi-leveled and externalized EU migration governance from 1992 to 2013, in the context of irregular migration by boat? During a field study in Morocco, eleven interviews were conducted with (former) officials, national and international NGO´s. In a chronological analysis, migration and external border policies by the EU, Morocco and Spain are assessed and contrasted with statements from Moroccan stakeholders. Furthermore, this paper examines the agency of Moroccan governance actors in implementation and negotiation processes. The main findings are discussed in relation to the ‘gap hypothesis’, ‘mobility regimes’ and migration as a ‘bargaining chip’ in negotiations.Show less
This thesis examines the extent to which civil society in Russia engages in formal decision-making processes by analyzing the case of the development of the Zenit Arena in Saint Petersburg....Show moreThis thesis examines the extent to which civil society in Russia engages in formal decision-making processes by analyzing the case of the development of the Zenit Arena in Saint Petersburg. Throughout the thesis, an understanding of public interest in participating in governance processes, as well as the attitude of the authorities towards including civil society actors, has been obtained.Show less
"With great power comes great responsibility." In a modern neoliberal democratic society responsibility is distributed to different domains of society. My thesis is based on the theoretical notion...Show more"With great power comes great responsibility." In a modern neoliberal democratic society responsibility is distributed to different domains of society. My thesis is based on the theoretical notion of negotiation between state and citizen in the public sphere. I have theorized that within a democratic society, civil society associations represent various segments of society. Additionally, civil society associations are necessary in order to let elections function democratically. Another important element is the political rationale of neoliberalism in a modern democracy. This rationale determines how the relationship of civil society and state is defined and how responsibility is distributed. The distribution of responsibility equals distribution of power, and to justify the use of power actors instrumentalize morality.Show less
This study sets out to examine whether civil society organisations (CSOs) have become more integrated into the Ukrainian public policy-making process since the Euromaidan in 2014 and whether the...Show moreThis study sets out to examine whether civil society organisations (CSOs) have become more integrated into the Ukrainian public policy-making process since the Euromaidan in 2014 and whether the Revolution has led to a meaningful shift towards a more inclusive style of governance. Through a focus on the anti-corruption policy field as a case study, the argument which will be advanced is that the 2014 Euromaidan did lead to a qualitative opening of the political system and the policy-making process in stark contrast to the authoritarian and exclusionist nature of the former Yanukovych regime. The post-2014 period has therefore seen considerable involvement of CSO representatives in public policy-making and a sustained formal commitment to dialogue on the part of many representatives of the authorities. More recently, however, a trend towards de facto marginalisation of CSO representatives and the closing of previously productive channels for cooperation suggest a moderate reversal of initial positive tendencies and raise questions about the extent to which the positive developments of 2014 and 2015 can be treated unambiguously as a sign of a large-scale and sustainable shift towards participatory governance.Show less
The case of the Gulag Museum at Perm-36 is especially suitable to discuss the (im)possibilities and motivations of civil society during the last 25 years in Russia, since it shows all the...Show moreThe case of the Gulag Museum at Perm-36 is especially suitable to discuss the (im)possibilities and motivations of civil society during the last 25 years in Russia, since it shows all the turbulence Russian civil society went through in these years. This study gives a detailed overview of the aims of the Gulag Museum demonstrated through their actions and activities. Next to that this study will show how the museum tried to embed the local and (inter)national civil society in the museum as a part of their mission to develop the Russian civil society. In addition, this study of the Gulag Museum involves the official state policy on the Commemoration of the Victims of Political Repressions implemented by Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev in 2015. In this way, this study will show an interesting power struggle over Russian history between civil society and the Russian state.Show less
This thesis discuss the current power relations between the NGOs and teh state in China and explores the survival and struggle strategies used by the NGOs to achieve better autonomy under the...Show moreThis thesis discuss the current power relations between the NGOs and teh state in China and explores the survival and struggle strategies used by the NGOs to achieve better autonomy under the authoritarian rule of the party. This thesis introduces the development path of civil society in China, focusing on environmental NGOs and woemns rights NGOs. By studying the strategeis used by NGOs in these fields, this thesis aims at better capture the nature of power relations between state and NGOs in china.Show less
This paper set out to examine how successful ASEAN was in making its regional governance more inclusive and “people-oriented”, as aimed for in its charter. This rhetorical shift towards greater...Show moreThis paper set out to examine how successful ASEAN was in making its regional governance more inclusive and “people-oriented”, as aimed for in its charter. This rhetorical shift towards greater people empowerment can be seen as a response to such external pressures as the rising civil society, international normative pressures as well as diminishing credibility due the regional challenges faced in the 90s, an attempt to regain ground domestically as well as internationally. It must be acknowledged that by adopting rhetoric of people empowerment slow but steady successes have been achieved. Notwithstanding the progress and benefits ASEAN’s change of course and following interactions have brought, in reality rhetoric is decoupled from ASEAN’s political practices. While attempting to regain ground, the association’s intergovernmental nature and on-going tensions between more and less democratic member states prevented it from actually embracing this course. Despite its expressed goals, ASEAN has so far failed to establish clear formal interfaces for the interaction with civil society. The conflict between the principle of sovereignty and the clear advantages of adhering to global trends and domestic pressures towards integration and democratisation that ASEAN faces is important to understand this discrepancy between expressed aspirations and political reality. Within ASEAN, ever increasing regional economic integration in the region stood in contrast with nationalistic sentiments and socio-economic developmental pressures. Indeed, existent consultations with civil society seem largely to be aimed at giving greater legitimacy to the charter- that ultimately only consolidated ASEAN’s state-centred nature. Facing competing institutional logics of the more democratic and traditionally more illiberal or even authoritarian member states, a situation of institutional complexity, decoupling rhetoric from practice enabled maintenance of the stability of the ASEAN community while retaining organisational efficiency. The association remains largely inaccessible to those rendered unsuitable to its reform agenda, making it not “people-oriented”.Show less
