The war in Yemen and the involvement of Saudi Arabia receive little academic and societal attention. This thesis sought to analyze the strategies of Saudi Arabia by comparing them to the well...Show moreThe war in Yemen and the involvement of Saudi Arabia receive little academic and societal attention. This thesis sought to analyze the strategies of Saudi Arabia by comparing them to the well-documented American intervention in Afghanistan. This results in the following research question: to what extent are Saudi Arabia in Yemen and the US in Afghanistan strategic in their approach to successful counterinsurgency? Based on five basic principles of COIN, the research found that both states were not strategic in their respective interventions.Show less
In the last decade, the participation of women in political violence has received an increasing amount of academic attention. However, scholars often neglected to find empirical evidence on the...Show moreIn the last decade, the participation of women in political violence has received an increasing amount of academic attention. However, scholars often neglected to find empirical evidence on the implications of women for armed groups perceived legitimacy. To fill this gap, this thesis explores the Women’s Protection Unit, which received worldwide media attention in their battle against the Islamic State, as a single case study. This thesis examines the Western perspective towards these women combatants by employing a qualitative content analysis of 43 Dutch newspaper articles. The results reveal that the media uses stereotypes about gender by framing these women combatants as non-aggressive, weaker, and less threatening than the male combatants of the Islamic State. As a result, the media legitimizes the use of violence of the female combatants as they need to protect themselves. Besides, the media glorifies the women of the YPJ by pointing out their fight for Western values, namely equality. Consequently, this thesis posits that the way the media frame the women combatants and their opponent, the Islamic State, favours the legitimacy of the armed group, the Women’s Protection Unit.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (BSc)
open access
This Bachelor-thesis focuses on the development of the Afghan state since the regime of the Taliban was toppled by the invasion of the United States. This thesis explores the notion that...Show moreThis Bachelor-thesis focuses on the development of the Afghan state since the regime of the Taliban was toppled by the invasion of the United States. This thesis explores the notion that misconceptions about the manner in which the regime of the Taliban governed Afghanistan have contributed to the ongoing violence and unrest that plagues Afghanistan until this day. Firstly, the functioning of a state is examined through the works of Michel Foucault and James Scott. This provides the framework in which the regime of the Taliban and the government of Hamid Karzai are analyzed. The concept of a 'failed state' as outlined by Noam Chomsky and others is used to examine to what extent the pre 9/11 Taliban-regime as well as the post 9/11 government of Hamid Karzai constitute a 'failed state'. This thesis argues that by determining that the Taliban controlled a 'failed state', the approach of the US and NATO forces used to occupy Afghanistan and build a democratic state has failed. The idea of the Taliban as a movement that did not develop state institutions or govern Afghanistan has resulted in a lack of development of state institutions by western forces. The United States and its allies believed that holding democratic elections without developing the capacity of the state would result in a stable Afghan state. This thesis argues that the Taliban was not, like many believed, simply a barbaric Islamic fundamentalist movement that presided over a 'failed state'. Rather, it is argued that the Taliban by pacifying large parts of the country, implementing a system of Islamic law and developing institutions to exert its power, governed a territory that did not wholly constitute a 'failed state'. The developments in Afghanistan can not be accurately described without analyzing the foreign policies of the Soviet Union, the United States and the neighboring countries towards Afghanistan during and after the Cold War. The spread of Islamic fundamentalism from the 1980's onward is also essential. Authors such as Ahmed Rashid and Thomas Barfield provide the accounts of these policies and developments. When the rise of the Taliban is set in the historical developments that had taken place and by taking the policies of the neighboring countries into account, an image of the Taliban as a government presiding over a state which functions to a certain extent emerges. The thesis link the misconceptions about the Taliban to Edward Said and his notion of Orientalism. Cases are analyzed which show that the Taliban can be viewed as a calculating and pragmatic movement, rather than a barbaric fundamentalist movement. Mullah Omar claimed in 1996 to be the 'Amir al-Momineen', the 'Commander of the Faithful' and therefore the rightful successor to the prophet Muhammed. Many voices in the West see this as proof of the Taliban constituting a fundamentalist movement with an erratic leader. This thesis argues that this was a calculated move by the Taliban in order to present themselves as the movement with the legitimate leader that would steer the country away from the tribal and ethnic struggles which had destroyed Afghanistan, despite being at its core a mainly Pashtun-movement which had incorporated many Pashtun tribal codes in its version of Islamic law. Incorporating many aspects of the Pashtun tribal codes can also be seen as a pragmatic policy in order to be able to govern the mainly Pashtun south of Afghanistan. This contradicts the image of the Taliban as a barbaric movement implementing a version of Islamic law which is rejected by the entire population. Another case this thesis explores using various authors is the destruction of the giant Buddha statues in Bamiyan. The world reacted to this with disgust and blamed the strict Islamic policies of the Taliban and described the movement as being ignorant about the outside world. This thesis argues that the decision to blow up the statues was a calculated reaction of the Taliban to not being recognized by the world community with the exception of Pakistan, Saudi-Arabia and the United Arab Emirates as the legitimate rulers of Afghanistan and that the movement was very much aware about its position in the arena of international relations. The occupation of American and NATO forces without developing the Afghan state created a situation in many regions of the country, especially in the south and the border area with Pakistan, where a functioning system that had been in place during the reign of the Taliban was not replaced by another system or the presence of the government. This has resulted in the reemergence of the Taliban as a rival to the power of the state in present day Afghanistan and through this, the present government of Afghanistan shares many features of a 'failed state'.Show less
