Highly developed forms of culture, society and political organization were established for thousands of years over the African continent. European colonizers, who conquered most African lands...Show moreHighly developed forms of culture, society and political organization were established for thousands of years over the African continent. European colonizers, who conquered most African lands between 1880 and 1913, sliced up the African continent at the Berlin Conference held in 1884-85. The colonial administrations forced the native diversity of governance, culture and society into an artificial mold to ensure the most effective rule for their new colonies. As a result, African societies are not developed but under-developed, remaining stuck within the artificial tribal construction with despotic chiefs. A ‘First Protest Wave’ of decolonization led to freedom from colonial rule, but not to the abolishment of the colonial structures. Rather, it was adopted by the African elites. As the under-developed situation did not change for most of the African nations, a ‘Second Protest Wave’ followed in the 1980’s, and a ‘Third Protest Wave’ even more recently. This third protest wave is still ongoing. The status quo leads to persistent political instability and a jobless economy. The increasingly growing young populations of Africa have no work and are forced in a stage of ‘Waithood’, a concept used to describe the stage of young people unable to get jobs and thus unable to enter the stage of adulthood. Youth stuck in this waithood have generally three modes of action: 1. survival, 2. use of violent methods, and 3. use of non-violent methods. The majorities of studies about youth in Africa have been focusing on youth coping with their situation of waithood, or when they have used violent methods, becoming agents of destruction (Vandals). This study focusses on the third choice, on how youth could become agents of change (Vanguards) using non-violent methods to escape their waithood. Several youth organizations in Uganda are trying to transform their situation with non-violent methods such as peaceful demonstrations, talent workshops, and changing mindsets. They aim at making the people aware, do it together and work on their futures. However, they are actively contained by a sophisticated dictatorship, who uses an intelligence veil to make sure that there is no freedom after speech. This dictatorship has become increasingly adept in camouflaging its internal oppression to the outside world of donors and investors. The sophisticated dictatorship has been provided external legitimacy even though the government is perceived as illegitimate by its own youth. The Ugandan government makes sure that the Darkness is maintained by containing the possible enlightenment and transformation.Show less
This paper will question to what extent educational policy during British indirect rule shaped the socio-political identity of post-colonial southern Sudan and how it articulates with internal and...Show moreThis paper will question to what extent educational policy during British indirect rule shaped the socio-political identity of post-colonial southern Sudan and how it articulates with internal and external post-colonial dynamics in the context of the 2011 secession. It focuses on educational policies because of its instrumental importance in creating the agencies for the British indirect rule, which is therefore valuable to examine if one wants to understand the impact of indirect rule on post-colonial societies. This paper will argue that it was the colonial legacy of indirect rule -embodied in the ‘Southern Policy’ - that shaped the socio-political landscape of post-colonial southern Sudan, which led to a decades long struggle of resistance and self-determination towards the assimilation politics of the Arab dominated government in Khartoum. And, that it was in the post-9/11 era that the internal and external dynamics coincided and allowed southern Sudan to vote for its independence.Show less
This research examines the migration history and social construction of ethnic identities of two generations of Surinamese-Javanese in the Netherlands from 1973 onwards. It incorporates the...Show moreThis research examines the migration history and social construction of ethnic identities of two generations of Surinamese-Javanese in the Netherlands from 1973 onwards. It incorporates the perspective that the creation of ethnic identities must be considered transformative processes of social boundaries. In this particular case, the social boundaries that are used to create a distinction between the Surinamese-Javanese community and the Dutch society as a whole, are mainly played out in the areas of citizenship, religion, and language. By having used oral history as methodology, two generations of Surinamese-Javanese, one generation born in Suriname, one in the Netherlands, have contributed to this research. Based on their accounts, ways are showed in which individuals partake in creating or challenging a collective identity. Furthermore, it reveals how the overall socio-political structures, and the colonial migration history, have been of continuous influence on the ways social boundaries are negotiated between and by both generations. In order to analyse these processes of continuous transformation and fragmentation, a historical point of view has been deemed necessary to uncover the long-term changes and continuities. In the end, this research aims to contribute to the theoretical discussion regarding ‘groupness’, the social construction of ethnicity, the power relations related to mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion, and the agency of migrants. Also, by taking on a different approach, it strives to gain new insights into the migration history of the Surinamese-Javanese, and into Dutch colonial history.Show less
