Het sultanaat Banten kende na de stichting in de zestiende eeuw een turbulente geschiedenis die zich liet kenmerken door interne conflicten binnen de bovenlaag van de Bantense bevolking in een...Show moreHet sultanaat Banten kende na de stichting in de zestiende eeuw een turbulente geschiedenis die zich liet kenmerken door interne conflicten binnen de bovenlaag van de Bantense bevolking in een periode voordat de VOC een grote rol kreeg in Zuidoost-Azië. Deze scriptie gaat op zoek naar de oorzaak achter de interne conflicten en hierbij zet de spelers in Banten en hun motivaties uiteen. De Bantense conflicten uitten zich langs de lijnen van steeds terugkomende tegenstellingen tussen de havenstad en deShow less
In 2018, the US Department of Defense announced its new National Cyber Strategy. With other actors in cyberspace becoming increasingly aggressive and potent, this strategy is designed to establish...Show moreIn 2018, the US Department of Defense announced its new National Cyber Strategy. With other actors in cyberspace becoming increasingly aggressive and potent, this strategy is designed to establish the US as a capable and functional actor in the domain. This new national cyber strategy differs greatly from the previous deterrence-based approach, illustrating a major shift in strategic thinking. The US military has now moved away from deterring enemies through denial and cost imposition, and introduced two new concepts instead: Persistent Engagement & Defend Forward, PE/DF for short. As cyberspace has grown to be the backbone of modern society, this change is significant for both scholars and the rest of the world. Through a case study of the US military, this thesis aims to investigate how this new strategy influenced the manner in which the US military conducts cyber operations. The results of this research show that the US has become significantly more aggressive, pro-active, streamlined, diverse in methods and in general capable in engaging with hostile actors in cyberspace.Show less
The sibling relationship is a unique and long lasting relationship for individuals, which contributes to the social development of a child. During childhood and adolescence, the relationship...Show moreThe sibling relationship is a unique and long lasting relationship for individuals, which contributes to the social development of a child. During childhood and adolescence, the relationship between siblings changes especially in the amount of warmth and conflict between them. Previous research shows that the experience of differential parenting can cause feelings of jealousy, which in turn affects the quality of the sibling relationship in forms of less warmth and more physical or psychological aggression. The current cross-sectional study examined the relation between differential parenting and physical or psychological aggression between siblings and the potential moderating role of the warmth within the sibling relationship. The sample consisted of 22 children between 9 and 18 years old and their 19 younger siblings also between 9 and 18 years old. The study used online self-report questionnaires to measure the experienced differential parenting (SIDE), sibling physical and/or psychological aggression (CTS2-SP) and the perceived warmth within the sibling relationship (SRQ-S). The results showed a significant relation between differential parenting and psychical or psychological aggression within the sibling relationship for the youngest siblings. This means that when the youngest sibling is experiencing differential parenting, there also will occur more physical or psychological aggression. This relation remained significant when controlling for warmth between the sibling relationship. This relation was not found for the older siblings, which means that when the older siblings experience differential parenting this will not lead to physical or psychological aggression. No significant moderation effect was found for warmth within the sibling relationship on the relation between differential parenting and physical and/or psychological aggression for both the oldest and youngest siblings. Future research should focus more on the possibilities that sibling relationships can offer, especially which protective role a sibling relationship might have. It is also important that parents become more aware of how their children might experience certain parental behavior and what consequences this might have.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
Freshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between...Show moreFreshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between multiple countries. Despite multiple predictions by scholars and experts, states often do not go to war over freshwater. Instead, most disputes end in the signing of a treaty. However, these treaties are not always fair and do not, actually, always end conflict. In the view of this research, treaties are merely a way in which states fight, without using violence, and should thus be seen as a part of ongoing conflict, rather than the end of it. In addition, despite theoretical predictions, international organisations do not play a large role in the creation of River Basin Organisations and neither do hydrohegemons.Show less
Research master thesis | Archaeology (research) (MA/MSc)
open access
This thesis investigates how the Cyprus conflict and its politics influence the ways the Apostolos Andreas monastery (Rizokarpaso/ Dipkarpaz) is perceived, valued and given meaning to by Greek...Show moreThis thesis investigates how the Cyprus conflict and its politics influence the ways the Apostolos Andreas monastery (Rizokarpaso/ Dipkarpaz) is perceived, valued and given meaning to by Greek Cypriots through time (before, during and after the conflict) and in relation to the socio-political context, other events and factors. Additionally, this thesis explores how the monastery, being transformed by the conflict and its post-conflict reconstruction, can influence the shaping of Greek Cypriots’ attitudes and behaviors toward the conflict. Using the concept of the biography of place as an analytical tool, this thesis explores the life history of the Apostolos Andreas monastery, as developed from its construction until this day and views it, at each point in time, as a layered heritage site. In order to reconstruct the monastery’s biography, a wide variety of written sources has been investigated, including scholarly literature and newspaper articles. Additionally, the results of a questionnaire completed by 153 Greek Cypriots are analyzed in order to explore the Greek Cypriots’ perceptions of the monastery today. The results of this thesis show that the sociopolitical events framing the monastery’s own history, as well as its involvement in the currents of the island, led to the development of other (non-religious) values, meanings and symbolisms that are attributed to the monastery today. Additionally, it is demonstrated that the tangible impacts of the conflict and the post-conflict reconstruction, the location of the site, the site’s image and form also influence the Greek Cypriots’ understanding and valuation of the monastery through time. What is more, it is illustrated that the most recent layer of the monument’s biography is built upon and informed by the earlier layers in the monastery’s history. As such, it is of no doubt that there still is a long way to go until the monastery abolishes all the “negative” connotations it has assembled during its eventful life history.Show less
Recently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally...Show moreRecently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally grounded peace and reconciliation. Despite this interest, little studies have examined if, and how, these local actors make a contribution to these goals. Such a case is Lebanon, characterized by protracted, sectarian conflict, but where a group of CSOs is active within this contentious nexus between conflict and peace. How does the work of these CSOs fit in the paradigm of reconciliation? Can they contribute to reconciliation in Lebanon? Following these questions, this research suggests that these CSOs can be understood through the framework of political reconciliation of Schaap (2005). Furthermore, they exhibit various functions to a reconciliation process: They advocate new narratives on identity, conflict and history, and the rights of victims. It arises that participatory and grassroot approaches are most conducive to successes of the CSOs. At the same time, the strategy and goals of the CSOs are negotiated by constraining factors. In what I call a ‘negotiated reconciliation process’ sectarian and corrupt structures on the one hand, and resource-based problems and international donor wishes on the other, mitigate the level of success of the CSOs.Show less
The African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main...Show moreThe African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main prerequisites for a prosperous future. Most AU-studies regard the question if AU’s peacekeeping efforts in interventions are successful, or investigate how states harm the continental endeavour. They conclude that the PSC lacks structural and incidental capacity and political willingness of states. This approach and outcome fits to the dominant realist approach, assuming that the African Union consists of power-seeking states, looking after their interests. This thesis contributes to this debate by utilizing another, constructivist approach. Role theory advances the understanding of this peace actor. The performance of the AU in peace policy, and the position of member states is investigated in the context of role-conception, role-contestation and role-expectations. In this thesis the AU’s role-conception, and how it develops, is central. The definition of this role was not given yet in the CA, although some ingredients where in there. The contestation by states and AU-institutions shaped the self-conception of the AU, and stimulated the policy of prevention. The expectations of others, in particular international financial partners, have had significant influence on the AU. The UN requires IOs to take responsibility in building peace in their region, and pays for AU-led missions. The political and social contexts cause, by a process of socialization, a dynamic and continuously developing self-conception of the AU. The current self-conception of the AU is being a comprehensive power. It deploys troops in African conflict areas as a military power. However, it performed also as a civil power by promoting and supporting CSOs; and even as normative power, by emphasizing the responsibilities for states to secure their people (policy of indifference).Show less
This thesis aims to answer the question how the current state of political culture in Tajikistan came to be, with specific focus on how the secularization legacy of the Soviet Union and two large...Show moreThis thesis aims to answer the question how the current state of political culture in Tajikistan came to be, with specific focus on how the secularization legacy of the Soviet Union and two large-scale conflicts influenced the position of political Islam.Show less
National parks in the global South are increasingly marked by a trend of militarised conservation, whereby park rangers receive military training and firearms for anti-poaching operations....Show moreNational parks in the global South are increasingly marked by a trend of militarised conservation, whereby park rangers receive military training and firearms for anti-poaching operations. Especially in conflict situations where violence poses a security threat to conservation efforts, these policies are justified as an effective solution. This can be attributed to the Western discourse that fuels the politics of conservation and is based on a strict dichotomy between nature and society. Within this discourse, poachers and charcoal producers are characterised as villains and the context and motivations behind their actions is ignored. To exemplify the negative repercussions of this process, this thesis analyses militarised conservation in Virunga National Park in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and argues that this form of nature protection infringes on livelihood strategies of the local people in North Kivu. Militarisation in Virunga is intended to demobilise militias who exploit the park’s natural resources, but has a much stronger impact on the local population, who depend on Virunga’s forests for their livelihoods. These people therefore increasingly collaborate with rebel groups, blurring the lines between ‘good’ and ‘evil’ that the Western conservation discourse is built on. This collaboration leads to further resource exploitation and an escalation of violence. Therefore, this thesis claims that, due to the complexity of the situation in Virunga, militarised conservation is counterproductive and leads to a vicious circle of violence.Show less
A research into the failure of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. Both local actors as well as Russia will be researched in order to understand in what way these actors have obstructed a peaceful...Show moreA research into the failure of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. Both local actors as well as Russia will be researched in order to understand in what way these actors have obstructed a peaceful solution to the peace process in Nagorno-Karabakh. The period that is researched is from approximately 1988 to 2016. The final conclusion of this master thesis is that non of the actors involved are genuinely interested in finding a peaceful solution. All the actors involved have obstructed a peaceful solution of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process over the years.Show less
The political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad,...Show moreThe political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad, to power. Assad’s authoritarian rule paved the way for Ba’ath party members and his immediate family members to accumulate wealth and power. This patrimonial approach has contributed to reshaping the class system and creating different types of the bourgeoisie. When Bashar Assad succeeded his father in the year 2000, the political-economic strategy in Syria changed a little by depriving the Ba’ath party members of their privileges and giving them to other prominent government officials and members of the country’s upper and upper-middle classes through neopatrimonial approaches. The new ‘state bourgeoisie’ in Syria did not only include Alawites who are directly related to Assad, but the new order also included Sunnis and Christians who were given a chance to get wealthy by proving their loyalty to Assad and cooperating with the regime. Since the beginning of the Syrian conflict in 2011, Syrian businesspeople have either continued supporting the regime or decided to remain silent and leave the country. Although the popular narrative of the Syrian conflict is largely sectarian in nature, sectarianism is not the only significant factor. Class has played a big role in the public’s dismay and contributed to the outbreak of the uprising. The business elite’s reaction to the conflict has contributed to the longevity of the conflict one hand and that of the Assad regime on the other. The loyal elites have benefited largely from this ongoing conflict whereas others who remained neutral risked the confiscation of their properties, and that of their family, and various terrorist charges. This thesis tackles the Syrian conflict from a different angle and highlights the role of the Syrian businesspeople.Show less