In conflict literature, much attention has been given to the relation between food prices and conflict, as well as the effects of climate change on conflict and food security, in an attempt to...Show moreIn conflict literature, much attention has been given to the relation between food prices and conflict, as well as the effects of climate change on conflict and food security, in an attempt to explain civilian victimisation through food security. However, the effect of crop pests and diseases on violence against civilians has not been studied, despite the large proportion of worldwide crop loss caused by these factors. This study theorises that these pests pressure the local food supply and thus force armed groups to use violence in order to obtain their necessary resources from the local population. This results in the hypothesis that the occurrence of plant pests in an area increases the risk of violence against civilians by non-state actors. Specifically, this study focuses on the effects of locust swarms in four African countries: Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia and Kenya. The hypothesis is quantitatively tested using both OLS regression and negative binomial regression. A positive correlation between locust swarm occurrence and violence against civilians is found, which holds up against both fixed effects and specific control variables. This new finding suggests that the occurrence of locust swarms shortens the time horizons for cooperation between rebels and the local population, incentivising rebels to quickly gain resources using violence rather than engaging in long-term, more peaceful cooperation.Show less
Research master thesis | Archaeology (research) (MA/MSc)
open access
This thesis investigates how the Cyprus conflict and its politics influence the ways the Apostolos Andreas monastery (Rizokarpaso/ Dipkarpaz) is perceived, valued and given meaning to by Greek...Show moreThis thesis investigates how the Cyprus conflict and its politics influence the ways the Apostolos Andreas monastery (Rizokarpaso/ Dipkarpaz) is perceived, valued and given meaning to by Greek Cypriots through time (before, during and after the conflict) and in relation to the socio-political context, other events and factors. Additionally, this thesis explores how the monastery, being transformed by the conflict and its post-conflict reconstruction, can influence the shaping of Greek Cypriots’ attitudes and behaviors toward the conflict. Using the concept of the biography of place as an analytical tool, this thesis explores the life history of the Apostolos Andreas monastery, as developed from its construction until this day and views it, at each point in time, as a layered heritage site. In order to reconstruct the monastery’s biography, a wide variety of written sources has been investigated, including scholarly literature and newspaper articles. Additionally, the results of a questionnaire completed by 153 Greek Cypriots are analyzed in order to explore the Greek Cypriots’ perceptions of the monastery today. The results of this thesis show that the sociopolitical events framing the monastery’s own history, as well as its involvement in the currents of the island, led to the development of other (non-religious) values, meanings and symbolisms that are attributed to the monastery today. Additionally, it is demonstrated that the tangible impacts of the conflict and the post-conflict reconstruction, the location of the site, the site’s image and form also influence the Greek Cypriots’ understanding and valuation of the monastery through time. What is more, it is illustrated that the most recent layer of the monument’s biography is built upon and informed by the earlier layers in the monastery’s history. As such, it is of no doubt that there still is a long way to go until the monastery abolishes all the “negative” connotations it has assembled during its eventful life history.Show less
A mong re newable resources, water has been a constant f ocal point for concerns over scarcity and inter state competition . A comprehensive literature review suggests that academia is divided on t...Show moreA mong re newable resources, water has been a constant f ocal point for concerns over scarcity and inter state competition . A comprehensive literature review suggests that academia is divided on t he link between water scarcity and international relations . T h is analysis asks : How do inter state economic ties a ffe ct the influence of water scarcity on hydro political inter state relations? Building on classic liberal economic argument s this paper hypothesize s that the more two states are connected th rough trad e agre ements, the less likely it is f or water scarcity to lead to co nflictual hydro political r elations. I conduct an O rdinary Least Squares r egression and a M ulti n o mi al L og i stic r egression with ‘precipitation ’ as an independent variable, ‘inter state rela t ions’ during water eve nts as a dependent variable and ‘trade agreements’ ( aggre gated and disaggregated in bilateral and multilat eral t reaties ) as a conditiona l va riable. E ven though the empirical results are not robust across all models , a general directi on o f the moderation effect is evident. Inter state economic ties in gener al, and multilateral trade agreements in particular can diminish the negative effect of water scarcity on hydro politics. Potential future research should further test the rob ustne s s of this relationship and introduce more nuance by differentiating be twe en trade agreement types and improving the operationalization of the water scarcity variable.Show less
The protection of nature and wildlife is crucial today. More and more studies, however, speak of violent incidents involving protected areas. To investigate the relationship between protected areas...Show moreThe protection of nature and wildlife is crucial today. More and more studies, however, speak of violent incidents involving protected areas. To investigate the relationship between protected areas and low-intensity conflict, this article addresses the factors that increase the likelihood of low-intensity conflict when protected areas are established. Widely accepted explanations of rebellion focus on the grievance argument. As with the establishment of a protected area local communities are deprived of land and resources, this article argues that social unrest is likely to increase when protected areas are established. However, building on Ostrom’s “Governing the Commons” theory, intercommunal conflicts as well as social unrest are likely to decrease when a protected area is created. The literature on protected areas and its impact on conflict is vast, but primarily conducted qualitatively. By doing a quantitative study, this article attempts to fill an important gap in the literature. The results of this analysis cautiously suggest that current protected areas in Africa still provoke discontent, as low-intensity conflict increases when the amount of protected areas increases. Future studies are needed to further study the mechanisms that make conflict involving protected areas more or less likely.Show less
Recently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally...Show moreRecently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally grounded peace and reconciliation. Despite this interest, little studies have examined if, and how, these local actors make a contribution to these goals. Such a case is Lebanon, characterized by protracted, sectarian conflict, but where a group of CSOs is active within this contentious nexus between conflict and peace. How does the work of these CSOs fit in the paradigm of reconciliation? Can they contribute to reconciliation in Lebanon? Following these questions, this research suggests that these CSOs can be understood through the framework of political reconciliation of Schaap (2005). Furthermore, they exhibit various functions to a reconciliation process: They advocate new narratives on identity, conflict and history, and the rights of victims. It arises that participatory and grassroot approaches are most conducive to successes of the CSOs. At the same time, the strategy and goals of the CSOs are negotiated by constraining factors. In what I call a ‘negotiated reconciliation process’ sectarian and corrupt structures on the one hand, and resource-based problems and international donor wishes on the other, mitigate the level of success of the CSOs.Show less
The African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main...Show moreThe African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main prerequisites for a prosperous future. Most AU-studies regard the question if AU’s peacekeeping efforts in interventions are successful, or investigate how states harm the continental endeavour. They conclude that the PSC lacks structural and incidental capacity and political willingness of states. This approach and outcome fits to the dominant realist approach, assuming that the African Union consists of power-seeking states, looking after their interests. This thesis contributes to this debate by utilizing another, constructivist approach. Role theory advances the understanding of this peace actor. The performance of the AU in peace policy, and the position of member states is investigated in the context of role-conception, role-contestation and role-expectations. In this thesis the AU’s role-conception, and how it develops, is central. The definition of this role was not given yet in the CA, although some ingredients where in there. The contestation by states and AU-institutions shaped the self-conception of the AU, and stimulated the policy of prevention. The expectations of others, in particular international financial partners, have had significant influence on the AU. The UN requires IOs to take responsibility in building peace in their region, and pays for AU-led missions. The political and social contexts cause, by a process of socialization, a dynamic and continuously developing self-conception of the AU. The current self-conception of the AU is being a comprehensive power. It deploys troops in African conflict areas as a military power. However, it performed also as a civil power by promoting and supporting CSOs; and even as normative power, by emphasizing the responsibilities for states to secure their people (policy of indifference).Show less
This thesis aims to answer the question how the current state of political culture in Tajikistan came to be, with specific focus on how the secularization legacy of the Soviet Union and two large...Show moreThis thesis aims to answer the question how the current state of political culture in Tajikistan came to be, with specific focus on how the secularization legacy of the Soviet Union and two large-scale conflicts influenced the position of political Islam.Show less
National parks in the global South are increasingly marked by a trend of militarised conservation, whereby park rangers receive military training and firearms for anti-poaching operations....Show moreNational parks in the global South are increasingly marked by a trend of militarised conservation, whereby park rangers receive military training and firearms for anti-poaching operations. Especially in conflict situations where violence poses a security threat to conservation efforts, these policies are justified as an effective solution. This can be attributed to the Western discourse that fuels the politics of conservation and is based on a strict dichotomy between nature and society. Within this discourse, poachers and charcoal producers are characterised as villains and the context and motivations behind their actions is ignored. To exemplify the negative repercussions of this process, this thesis analyses militarised conservation in Virunga National Park in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and argues that this form of nature protection infringes on livelihood strategies of the local people in North Kivu. Militarisation in Virunga is intended to demobilise militias who exploit the park’s natural resources, but has a much stronger impact on the local population, who depend on Virunga’s forests for their livelihoods. These people therefore increasingly collaborate with rebel groups, blurring the lines between ‘good’ and ‘evil’ that the Western conservation discourse is built on. This collaboration leads to further resource exploitation and an escalation of violence. Therefore, this thesis claims that, due to the complexity of the situation in Virunga, militarised conservation is counterproductive and leads to a vicious circle of violence.Show less
A research into the failure of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. Both local actors as well as Russia will be researched in order to understand in what way these actors have obstructed a peaceful...Show moreA research into the failure of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. Both local actors as well as Russia will be researched in order to understand in what way these actors have obstructed a peaceful solution to the peace process in Nagorno-Karabakh. The period that is researched is from approximately 1988 to 2016. The final conclusion of this master thesis is that non of the actors involved are genuinely interested in finding a peaceful solution. All the actors involved have obstructed a peaceful solution of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process over the years.Show less
The political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad,...Show moreThe political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad, to power. Assad’s authoritarian rule paved the way for Ba’ath party members and his immediate family members to accumulate wealth and power. This patrimonial approach has contributed to reshaping the class system and creating different types of the bourgeoisie. When Bashar Assad succeeded his father in the year 2000, the political-economic strategy in Syria changed a little by depriving the Ba’ath party members of their privileges and giving them to other prominent government officials and members of the country’s upper and upper-middle classes through neopatrimonial approaches. The new ‘state bourgeoisie’ in Syria did not only include Alawites who are directly related to Assad, but the new order also included Sunnis and Christians who were given a chance to get wealthy by proving their loyalty to Assad and cooperating with the regime. Since the beginning of the Syrian conflict in 2011, Syrian businesspeople have either continued supporting the regime or decided to remain silent and leave the country. Although the popular narrative of the Syrian conflict is largely sectarian in nature, sectarianism is not the only significant factor. Class has played a big role in the public’s dismay and contributed to the outbreak of the uprising. The business elite’s reaction to the conflict has contributed to the longevity of the conflict one hand and that of the Assad regime on the other. The loyal elites have benefited largely from this ongoing conflict whereas others who remained neutral risked the confiscation of their properties, and that of their family, and various terrorist charges. This thesis tackles the Syrian conflict from a different angle and highlights the role of the Syrian businesspeople.Show less
The Mekong River is an important water source for the Southeast Asian states, shared among six riparian states. To meet the growing energy needs, Lao is constructing hydropower dams on the Mekong...Show moreThe Mekong River is an important water source for the Southeast Asian states, shared among six riparian states. To meet the growing energy needs, Lao is constructing hydropower dams on the Mekong mainstream which will have negative transboundary impacts. In this thesis, I focus on the absence of escalated inter-state conflict in the Mekong River Basin despite the disputed construction of hydropower dams on the Mekong mainstream. The question that I aim to answer is whether the Mekong River Commission (MRC) is accountable for the absence of escalated inter-state conflict despite the controversial construction of hydropower dams on the mainstream. I found that for the MRC to be accountable for the absence of escalated inter-state conflict, it should have applied issue linkage to settle the dispute, it should have settled the disputes through a dispute-settlement mechanism and it should have monitored the development of the river. I found that the MRC is not accountable for the absence of escalated inter-state conflict and maintenance of cooperation, because its dispute-settlement mechanism failed to settle the Xayaburi dispute and the MRC was not directly accountable for the issue linkages created. I conclude that another driving force must have been accountable for the absence of inter-state conflict.Show less
This cross-disciplinary thesis investigated the use of metaphors in modern and contemporary Lebanese literature which portrays Beirut as a woman, and violence or turmoil within the city as sexual...Show moreThis cross-disciplinary thesis investigated the use of metaphors in modern and contemporary Lebanese literature which portrays Beirut as a woman, and violence or turmoil within the city as sexual assaults. Both of these metaphors were identified in texts by Zena el Khalil, Elias Khoury and Etal Adnan, along with shorts from Beirut Noir. Lakoff’s theory of metaphor was used to underline the significant interactions between figurative language, knowledge and real action which motivated the research. The mother-virgin-whore triad was found overly simplistic to describe Beirut’s figuration, although interestingly non-normative characterisations such as corrupted mother and once-virgin arise in the literature. However, Beirut has been consistently imagined as a ‘whore’ throughout history. This stereotyping has a particularly complex impact on the allocation of blame and pity in the related literary imagery of Beirut’s ‘rape’, which was further dissected through feminist and critical theory. Overall, an interrelation between machoistic violence and the destruction city was identified, exemplified in Civil War literature but arising in broader contexts. This thesis' intersectional question merited a broad, multi-stranded answer, concluding that imaginaries of women and cities alike must be nuanced and multiple in order to escape harmful stereotyping which can ‘justify’ destructive action.Show less
The DRC has been a conflict-ridden country since pre-colonial times, it is paradoxical that a country so rich in natural resources remains so poor and underdeveloped. This thesis attempts to...Show moreThe DRC has been a conflict-ridden country since pre-colonial times, it is paradoxical that a country so rich in natural resources remains so poor and underdeveloped. This thesis attempts to discover whether the modern, industrialised countries play any role in the perpetuation of the conflict situation in the DRC regarding the exploitation of 'Coltan' which is a widely used mineral for the manufacturing of smartphones and other electronic devices. The historical legacies of the DRC will be explored, an analysis of the conflict situation in the eastern provinces of the DRC will be provided and the commodity chain of coltan will be discussed.Show less
