This thesis examines why BRICS emerged among Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, despite the dissimilarities between these countries. Following a constructivist approach, this thesis...Show moreThis thesis examines why BRICS emerged among Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, despite the dissimilarities between these countries. Following a constructivist approach, this thesis assumes that regions are not fixed but rather constituted and constructed through ideational factors. As such, BRICS is considered a ‘virtual region’. The aim of this thesis is to explain the process through which a collective identity paved the way for cooperation among the countries. The analysis shows that the BRICS identity is rooted in the longer-standing narrative about the Global South. The shared identity facilitated the alignment of their interests. Despite some variation, a development-multipolarity discourse is identified. The countries not only seek economic development within BRICS and the Global South, but also a greater voice in global governance. The creation of a collective identity and the alignment of interests paved the way for BRICS to emerge as virtual region, embedded in the Global South narrative.Show less
In November 2014, India’s newly elected Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the “Act East Policy” (AEP), which aims to increase economic and strategic cooperation with Indo-Pacific countries and...Show moreIn November 2014, India’s newly elected Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the “Act East Policy” (AEP), which aims to increase economic and strategic cooperation with Indo-Pacific countries and deepen cultural relationships. It does so on a regional, multilateral, and bilateral level. Although there is academic literature on this policy, most of the literature looks at the AEP through a realist lens, thereby considering it a mere “balancing” effort against China’s increasing influence in the region. This thesis opts to diversify the literature on the AEP by taking a constructivist approach. In doing so it seeks to understand how the ruling Hindu Nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) conceptions of India’s state identity have shaped the AEP. Using the value-action framework and process-tracing method, this thesis finds that there are three identities which create values that shape the BJP’s preferences for the AEP. Firstly, the “challenged state” identity gives rise to the ‘increasing national security’ value. The second identity, a “once-thriving civilization”, gives rise to two closely connected values: ‘creating an economically stronger India’ and ‘ensuring India gets its rightful place in the comity of nations and international institutions’. Lastly, the “democracy shaped by Hinduism in a changing Asian landscape” identity gives rise to the ‘establishing a democratic and rules-based international order’ value. However, through assessment of India’s wider foreign policy behaviour this thesis finds that these values do not all carry equal weight. It argues that the pursuit of national security, prosperity and indirectly the pursuit of India’s “rightful place” on the international stage were the main factors leading to the establishment of the AEP. Thus, concluding that the “challenged” state and “once-thriving civilization” identities have more influence on the AEP under BJP rule than the “democracy shaped by Hinduism in a changing Asian landscape” identity.Show less
Has the US-Mexico border security been redefined in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks? If so, how is this reflected in US policy and public discourse? This thesis considers...Show moreHas the US-Mexico border security been redefined in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks? If so, how is this reflected in US policy and public discourse? This thesis considers the period immediately prior to and after 9/11 and proposes to look into three distinctive policy areas, namely drug enforcement, immigration, and counter-terrorism. Incorporating theoretical insights from constructivism and the Copenhagen School of security studies, as well as conceptual accounts of discourse in post-structuralist understanding, the paper investigates the changing practice and politics of US border security before and after 9/11 and assesses implications on the US-Mexico bilateral relations. This analysis highlights a complex nexus o non-military factors that pertain to security; it contends that the border was discursively framed as a national security threat by turning it into the point of intersection between aspects traditionally perceived as "threats"- drug trafficking and immigration- and the discourse of the war on terror. Ultimately, it discusses how the US redefined the role played by its Southern border in order to serve its national interests and consolidate influence in the North American region.Show less
Since the inception of the Russian Federation and European Union, gas tensions in the European gas market have gradually increased to the point where the EU and Russia have become entangled in...Show moreSince the inception of the Russian Federation and European Union, gas tensions in the European gas market have gradually increased to the point where the EU and Russia have become entangled in several legal, economic, and political confrontations. An analysis of Russian and EU policies supports Constructivist assertions that ideas influence the decision-makers and policies involved in these confrontations. More specifically, an in-depth analysis of EU and Russian policies, strategic discourses, and policy environments reveals that EU-Russian gas tensions are correlated with an EU-Russian divergence in worldviews, goals, and tools. Once this observation is adapted to Hall’s theory of policy paradigms and fitted into a Constructivist framework, EU-Russian gas tensions appear to be driven by EU-Russian differences in economic paradigms. A thorough analysis of one of the longest-lasting and most explicit EU-Russian legal confrontations – the European Commission’s antitrust proceedings against Gazprom – lends support to this hypothesis. Over the course of this six-year-long legal battle, EU-Russian gas tensions increased whenever the divergence between the economic paradigms of the EU and Gazprom increased. Likewise, tensions decreased once their divergence decreased. This correlation is reinforced by the fact that the diverging EU and Russian economic paradigms have inspired conflicting policies that fuel these EU-Russian gas tensions. Thus a causal relationship between EU-Russian differences in economic paradigms and EU-Russian gas tensions seems to have been verified. This causal relationship has great implications for EU and Russian policies alike, for it questions common assumptions that EU-Russian gas tensions will automatically decrease once there is a political change.Show less
In my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold...Show moreIn my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold War changed this and as a result, this role was predominantly political and economic after the Cold War. I base my research on a combination of two theories: constructivism, an approach of International Relations (IR), and Historical Sociology (HS).Show less
This thesis explores collective action problems in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the post-Soviet era. Collective action theory does not have plain explanations for the fact that...Show moreThis thesis explores collective action problems in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the post-Soviet era. Collective action theory does not have plain explanations for the fact that NATO is still operating. As long as member states invest in the alliance in terms of financial contributions and by participating in operations, NATO is likely to persist. By focusing on the case of the Netherlands, the study addresses a state’s incentives for contributing to NATO-led out-of-area operations. More specifically, this thesis has selected Kosovo Force, Resolute Support, and NATO Mission Iraq to analyze why the Netherlands has participated in NATO missions. Through a content analysis of letters in which the government justifies its decision for participating in these missions, the study can collect, categorize, and interpret the arguments of the Dutch government. Following the theories of institutionalism and constructivism, this research argues that the Netherlands has contributed to NATO-led out-of-area operations because it strived to sustain the institutional assets of NATO and to promote liberal-democratic values.Show less
Maritime security is vital for many states, and it is undermined by many acts, one of which is piracy. This threat is acknowledged by the extensive anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden, in...Show moreMaritime security is vital for many states, and it is undermined by many acts, one of which is piracy. This threat is acknowledged by the extensive anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden, in which China partakes. Even though piracy occurs in the South China Sea as well, China does not have a military anti-piracy operation in this area. Nonetheless, this area is vital for the operation of its economy. It is, therefore, important to analyze how the differences in these policies can be explained. By using different theoretical explanations (realism, liberal institutionalism, and constructivism), the objective of this thesis is to analyze which theory carries the most explanatory power, or if a combination of explanations could provide a better explanation to the seemingly contradictory policy. This is done through a method of congruence analysis, combined with process-tracing. After tracing China’s actions and developments in the Western Indian Ocean and the South China Sea, this thesis finds that constructivism provides the best explanation for China’s different approaches, as anti-piracy cooperation merely served as a tool of statecraft.Show less
This work critically assesses the idea of replacing political representation based on elections and politicians by big data-driven algorithms. The rapid digitalization and datafication of our world...Show moreThis work critically assesses the idea of replacing political representation based on elections and politicians by big data-driven algorithms. The rapid digitalization and datafication of our world is fuelling the debate on democratic theory. Can the potential of new ICTs be harnessed to work for the benefit of democracy? Using Gijs van Oenen’s account as base, I make the idea of algorithmic representation more concrete by introducing the concept of a Pocket Politician, and by exploring three scenarios of what this could look like. To further unpack this concept I apply two conceptual tools of the ‘constructivist turn’ in democratic theory: Fossen’s logical distinction between dyadic-triadic and Saward’s theory on the representative claim. By doing so, I show that such a new ‘algorithmic’ system of representation would go accompanied with the loss of human intentionality and the loss of visibility. (1) Algorithmic representation blurs the characterization of the citizens that are represented. It is no longer clear as what citizens are represented due to the non-human intentionality of algorithms. And (2) the performance of representation – the representative claims – will not be visible to the citizens, making it a non-transparent form of politics. Combined, these two concessions would restrict citizens’ ability to see and experience politics on both a sensory and mental level. I come back to the three scenarios of a Pocket Politician to discuss whether this is a problem. I argue that applying algorithmic representation could be beneficial for a democracy depending on its particular state and particular needs.Show less
The June 2018 Trump-Kim summit in Singapore was symbolically significant to both countries. This Thesis examines whether it and it immediate aftermath fulfill the criteria for a constructivist...Show moreThe June 2018 Trump-Kim summit in Singapore was symbolically significant to both countries. This Thesis examines whether it and it immediate aftermath fulfill the criteria for a constructivist approach.Show less
Turkey has applied to be member of the European Community already in 1987. Up to this day however, it has not joined and the negotiations have come to a halt. The debate about whether Turkey should...Show moreTurkey has applied to be member of the European Community already in 1987. Up to this day however, it has not joined and the negotiations have come to a halt. The debate about whether Turkey should join the European Union and whether it is compatible with its community has been highly politicised over the last years. The discussion usually revolves around whether Turkey is Eu- ropean enough to be a part of the Union, whether it fulfils all the fundamental criteria to join on an economic, political and social level as well as whether Turkey’s membership would bring about a form of cultural clash. The discourse around the topic and the language employed by policy makers has so far not been as well researched. This paper therefore explores the following research questi- on: “What is the role of an ‘othering’ discourse in the Turkey EU membership negotiations?”. It explores the theoretical framework of Othering and how it connects to the concept of Orientalism. Building on how Europe historically defines itself against an Other, both sides will be analysed on their language. Using methods of critical discourse analysis, the language of Turkish and EU insti- tutional policy makers is examined. Based on this research, tentative conclusions are drawn about the underlying meaning of speeches and remarks and how they fit into the framework of Othering.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis looks at the importance of respect for Iran in the nuclear negotiations. By using a constructivist approach and focusing on the era of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani.
CENTO and SEATO, two alliances involving the United States, were both founded in the early 1950s in order to prevent communist expansion. CENTO, consisting of Iran, Turkey, Pakistan, and the United...Show moreCENTO and SEATO, two alliances involving the United States, were both founded in the early 1950s in order to prevent communist expansion. CENTO, consisting of Iran, Turkey, Pakistan, and the United Kingdom, existed to protect the Middle East. SENTO, consisting of the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, France, Pakistan, Thailand, and the Philippines, served the same purpose in Asia. Each country had their own reasons for joining, and many were disappointed in the effectiveness of the alliances and the profits they turned. Both CENTO and SEATO fell apart around 20 years before the end of the Cold War. The regional states of both alliances show multiple reasons for this dissolution that can be explained through realism and others through constructivism.Show less
Departing from materialist understanding of the South China Sea conflict, this paper foregrounds the role of ideas in producing the rivalry between China and the Philippines. Guided by...Show moreDeparting from materialist understanding of the South China Sea conflict, this paper foregrounds the role of ideas in producing the rivalry between China and the Philippines. Guided by constructivist theory of international relations fused with the rivalry approach to conflict, this undertaking has shown how an intersubjective and institutionalised conception of space generated the rivalry. Three ideas are identified as consequential: new cartographic ideas which promoted linearly demarcated boundaries, sovereignty as the power to exclude non-citizens, and the territorialisation of the sea.Show less
Although often overshadowed by the tumult in the region, and in Iraq specifically, there has been discussion in recent years of the normalization of relations between Kuwait and Iraq. The primary...Show moreAlthough often overshadowed by the tumult in the region, and in Iraq specifically, there has been discussion in recent years of the normalization of relations between Kuwait and Iraq. The primary purposes of this study are, first, to provide an analysis of Kuwaiti foreign policy toward Iraq and, second, to determine the role of regional inter-state structures in shaping this policy. Using journalistic accounts, statements from government officials, and data concerning macroeconomic activity and military expenditure, this research shows that relations have indeed gotten closer between Kuwait and Iraq, particularly since 2010. Additionally, evidence is presented demonstrating that Kuwait is engaging in a foreign policy strategy of hedging in its relations with Iraq, allowing it to prepare for multiple potential security threats while maximizing short-term economic and political benefits. It is argued that closer ties between Kuwait and Iraq have been enabled and incentivized by the changing structure (both material and social) of international relations in the Gulf region. Finally, through its analysis of Kuwaiti foreign policy toward Iraq, this thesis seeks to demonstrate the potential usefulness of the concepts of strategic hedging and structural power in the analysis of small state behavior in international relations.Show less
On March 24, 1999, NATO launched Operation Allied Force, a bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in response to ongoing hostilities in Kosovo. US President Bill Clinton...Show moreOn March 24, 1999, NATO launched Operation Allied Force, a bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in response to ongoing hostilities in Kosovo. US President Bill Clinton proudly called the intervention in Kosovo 'the first ever humanitarian war.'1 Others condemned the war, arguing that it was illegal and that NATO was acting on its own interests rather than on humanitarian motives. So why did NATO really intervene in Kosovo? This thesis draws on constructivist and Gramscian theory to explain why NATO intervened in Kosovo, and to shed light on the most salient issue: the relationship between and the relative importance of humanitarian values and strategic interests. Constructivists believe that state identities and interests are not given, instead, they are socially constructed. Interests are not only defined by material facts but also by social facts, like norms and ideas. Therefore, foreign policy decision making is more about defining national interests than about defending them. A constructivist analysis of the Clinton administration's decision to intervene in Kosovo reveals that this decision was shaped by social facts, like shared notions about the grounds on which it is legitimate to carry out a military intervention, and norms of behaviour, like human rights. These perceptions were shaped by social and cultural factors, like the memory of the two World Wars, the national trauma of the Vietnam war, previous wars in the Balkans and the Weinberger doctrine. An analysis of Clinton's rhetoric on Kosovo reveals that he was expanding previous understandings of what constitutes the national interest to include standing up to human rights abuses. In this sense, he was advancing humanitarian norms as a cause for action. These norms did not only influence the way in which the war was presented and defended, but also the way it was fought. The constructivist perspective therefore attaches great causal significance to norms and ideas. The neo-Gramscian school in international relations draws on the work of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, particularly the concept of hegemony. According to Gramsci, the hegemony of the bourgeoisie was not just based on coercive power, but also on their ability to construct a broad cultural and ideological consensus. A state can become hegemonic by constructing a world order which most other states accept or perceive to be in their interest. In the end, however, this order primarily exists to serve the interests of the elites. From this perspective, the notion of universal human rights is one element of a global civil society which is marked by a growing consensus on morals, values and rights. The end of the Cold War brought about an international order based on liberal values like democracy, free trade and human rights. Though not a complete hegemony, this world order certainly had hegemonic elements. Milosevic's actions in Kosovo were a transgression against these values. From this perspective, the war over Kosovo was essentially an international police mission, designed to punish Milosevic's deviation from international norms. The military component was supported by international institutions, like the UN Security Council, which, though it stopped short of endorsing the intervention, also failed to oppose it, and the IMF and the EU, which has already begun making plans for the reconstruction of Kosovo and the economic future of the region before the bombs had stopped falling. International civil society, represented by NGOs and the media, also played their part by promoting humanitarian values and calling attention to the humanitarian crisis in Kosovo. The extent of this hegemony is demonstrated by the failure of opposing states like Russia and China to mount an effective counter-hegemony. For constructivists, then, the decision to intervene in Kosovo reflected changing perceptions of the national interest and foreign policy priorities. Clinton claimed to act in the national interest, and undoubtedly believed this himself, but his perception of the national interest was not necessarily based on objective facts. It was shaped by historical experiences, considerations of legitimacy and shared understandings about human rights. Clinton acted as a norm entrepreneur by advancing the notion that it is legitimate to use armed force against a sovereign state to stand up to human rights abuses. Gramscians would agree with the constructivists that Kosovo represented a normative shift and that the war was fought to defend a set of values. However, the Gramscians do not take these norms and values at face value. Instead, they trace them back to the material interests of the elites. They draw attention to the striking coherence between Western military power, its ideology and international institutions. The constructivist and Gramscian perspectives have proven to be useful here because of their ability to go beyond a simple understanding of values and interests as binary opposites. It is all too easy to fall into the trap of depicting these two categories as mutually exclusive. The two theories disagree on the exact relationship between the two: constructivists believe that norms, values and ideas define interests, Gramscians believe that they ultimately serve interests. Another point of divergence is that constructivism emphasizes change while Gramscianism is more interested in continuity. From a constructivist perspective, state behavior is based on social facts which are, by nature, fluid and continually changing. For the Gramscians, the basic characteristics of the international order do not change, they continue to favour the strong over the weak. This brings out a weakness in Gramscian theory: it tends to place everything in a grand narrative about the dominance of the economic elites. When applying theory to a historical event, there is always the risk of adopting the facts to fit the preconceived notions that are present in the theoretical framework. Theory is valuable when applied critically, because it allows us to consider the facts from different viewpoints. If this analysis has succeeded in revealing different ways of looking at and thinking about the facts, then it has been a fruitful exercise.Show less
