Attempts to identify the causes of democratic transitions have been made by studying electoral procedures, electoral outcomes, political rights, and rule of law. Despite the variety of approaches...Show moreAttempts to identify the causes of democratic transitions have been made by studying electoral procedures, electoral outcomes, political rights, and rule of law. Despite the variety of approaches used, no clear mechanism has emerged. Agreement is additionally impeded by incomplete understanding of hybrid regimes, which are preponderant in the Global South. This article argues that contextualised, historicised approaches may be better placed to capture democratic transitions in sub- Saharan Africa. We employ a logistic regression analysis of four rounds of cross-national Afrobarometer survey data within a single-case study of Zanzibar. By juxtaposing assessments of Zanzibar’s status as a democracy onto a critical analysis of its experience with electoral democracy, we attempt to glean associations between democracy and power-sharing. In light of observed regional divergences in assessments of democratic quality, we argue that the question of political inclusion is central to conceptions of democracy in Zanzibar. Furthermore, we urge subsequent scholarship to articulate conceptions of democracy which align with local experiences.Show less
Despite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth...Show moreDespite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth century. Yet, Kuwait and Bahrain’s paths also both diverged. By employing a structured comparison of similar cases with different outcomes, this thesis seeks to explain the different paths pursued by the two monarchies, despite their identical liberalisation attempts. It is argued that the controlled parliamentary transition at the independence was planned by the rulers to secure their rule, while external threats acted as catalysts. While in Bahrain the external actors backed the Al Khalifa authoritarian tendencies, avoiding a parliamentary reinstatement, the Al Sabah repeatedly turned to the National Assembly to appease and balance the opposition. Consequently, a powerful parliament, considered dangerous in Bahrain, became an integral part of the Kuwaiti politics and identity.Show less
Whereas the rhetoric of democracy has entered ASEAN’s agenda through the ASEAN Charter, this thesis will argue that not much democratisation has taken place in ASEAN. The high level of...Show moreWhereas the rhetoric of democracy has entered ASEAN’s agenda through the ASEAN Charter, this thesis will argue that not much democratisation has taken place in ASEAN. The high level of authoritarian ASEAN member states obstructs the process of democratisation. The unbinding and unconditional nature of ASEAN’s way of operating, also known as the ASEAN way, allows a system unsusceptible to democratic change to persist within the organisation. ASEAN’s initiatives relating to democracy have left actors involved in democratic processes disappointed due to, amongst other reasons, the interference of ASEAN’s governments. ASEAN’s power processes reflect a shared reluctance to institutionalisation. The research suggests that a higher level of democratisation in ASEAN is only likely if the number of democratic member states increases.Show less
