Very little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable...Show moreVery little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable and weak, without any power to shape decisions of middle power states. This thesis examines the relationship between small states, the Pacific Islands, and regional middle power Australia. In order to answer the question “How do the Pacific Island States, as small states, attempt to exert influence on climate change decisions over middle power state Australia in the international environment?” this study employs a qualitative research design of small and middle power states. By showing collective leadership through the United Nations, the PIS are able to influence debates and agenda-setting of middle power states on the norm climate change at the international level. However, the influence of small states on Australia’s climate policies is limited and depends on the receptiveness of the Australian government. Yet, the current geopolitical competition between Australia and China occasionally offers the PIS opportunities to pressure the Australian government.Show less
Subnational climate diplomacy is a concept that has been gaining attention in the field of International Relations in recent years. It refers to the way in which state and local governments are...Show moreSubnational climate diplomacy is a concept that has been gaining attention in the field of International Relations in recent years. It refers to the way in which state and local governments are increasingly taking part in international negotiations and cooperation to advance global climate objectives. This signifies a sizable shift in the traditional approach to state-to-state diplomacy. However, the value of subnational climate diplomacy to the global fight against climate change is currently almost exclusively measured in terms of clearly quantifiable outputs, which largely overlooks its less directly quantifiable contributions and broader social, economic and political impacts. Therefore, this thesis analyzes how subnational climate diplomacy can contribute to transformative change through more indirect impacts. The indirect impacts that are measured are ‘rescaling’ and ‘entrenchment,’ based on the frameworks developed by authors van der Ven, Bernstein and Hoffmann (2017) and Setzer (2017). These two concepts serve to guide the analysis undertaken in this thesis, which aims to answer the following research question: How can subnational climate diplomacy contribute to transformative change through rescaling and entrenchment? To answer this question, the thesis includes a detailed case study of the international climate agenda of the U.S. state of California. The analysis of California's international climate agenda shows how the state’s subnational climate diplomacy is contributing to a rescaling of climate governance. By establishing international linkages along both the vertical and the horizontal axis, California is triggering a rescaling of climate governance on the subnational, national and international/supranational level. Additionally, California’s subnational climate diplomacy is fostering entrenchment by generating effects in climate governance that are durable and difficult to reverse. Overall, this study emphasizes that subnational climate diplomacy can contribute to transformative change in global climate governance, not only through producing directly quantifiable emission reductions, but also through rescaling climate governance and entrenching durable change.Show less
This thesis focuses on Dutch foreign policy towards Japan during the tumultuous Bakumatsu Period (1853-1868) and situates said foreign policy within the broader context of Dutch neutrality and...Show moreThis thesis focuses on Dutch foreign policy towards Japan during the tumultuous Bakumatsu Period (1853-1868) and situates said foreign policy within the broader context of Dutch neutrality and imperialism of the nineteenth century. The study concludes that even though the Dutch government viewed the Netherlands as a small power in Europe, it was a large imperial power in Asia, and as such it had to pursue active foreign policy in East/Southeast Asia to protect Dutch interests in light of encroaching Western imperialism in the region. Contrary to previous studies, this thesis argues that Dutch neutrality did not imply passivity, but instead proved to be a unique form of Dutch foreign policy amidst larger imperial powers and Japan, in which the ingenuity, character and actions of Dutch actors in Japan was crucial.Show less
All over the world local governments engage in ‘decentral diplomacy’, which refers to the international relations of sub-state regions (Dams, 2022; Šimalčík, Šebok, Kalivoda, & Blablová, 2021)....Show moreAll over the world local governments engage in ‘decentral diplomacy’, which refers to the international relations of sub-state regions (Dams, 2022; Šimalčík, Šebok, Kalivoda, & Blablová, 2021). European regions often engage in decentral diplomacy with Chinese provinces because of the expected economic outcome. The question is often asked, however, how does a region economically make the most out of these relationships? This thesis studies the domestic state-local political dynamism that influences economic opportunities emerging from the provincial relationship with Jiangsu province. In an interview-based comparative case study using a most similar systems design, the Dutch province Noord-Brabant is compared to the Moravian Silesian Region in Czechia. Whereas these regions are comparable in certain aspects, of which their relationship to Jiangsu is the most important, this thesis makes the comparison studying three dissimilar factors: the extent of central-local coordination on China policy, the institutional structure of the regional relationships, and the local institutional bureaucratic effort. These factors are expected to explain the difference in economic opportunities emerged through the relationship with Jiangsu province. Studying the determinants of good interstate relations at the local level, this thesis finds that based on these two cases particularly the institutional structure of the regional relationships and the local institutional bureaucratic effort are important for economic opportunities emerged through the relationship with Jiangsu.Show less
Since the early 2000s, China has experimented with a range of development-oriented diplomatic initiatives based on multilateral regionalism. One of these initiatives is the Macau Forum, a grouping...Show moreSince the early 2000s, China has experimented with a range of development-oriented diplomatic initiatives based on multilateral regionalism. One of these initiatives is the Macau Forum, a grouping created in 2003 that brings China together with nine lusophone countries to promote economic and trade exchanges. This case study investigates China’s motives for creating and maintaining this multilateral project and examines perceptions from its lusophone participants. The significance of this analysis is that it provides a more granular understanding of the rationale and results of China’s ever-increasing promotion of alternative international development cooperation frameworks in the Global South. To research this topic, I relied primarily on historically-contextualised discourse analysis of primary material from diplomatic and academic sources. Results of this analysis reveal that China was motivated (1) to promote and test out a Chinese vision of development cooperation, (2) to strengthen Macau’s integration with mainland China and (3) to secure Beijing's diplomatic recognition among lusophone countries. Commentary from lusophone diplomats, however, highlights the lack of perceived concrete benefits for the Macau Forum’s participant members. On this basis, the Macau Forum can be likened to other China-led multilateral regional initiatives, such as the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), that are balanced asymmetrically in China’s favour.Show less
"At the end of the Second World War, the French territory was ravaged. France suffered a humiliating defeat in 1940; however, it managed (thanks to the allies) to end up in the side of victors....Show more"At the end of the Second World War, the French territory was ravaged. France suffered a humiliating defeat in 1940; however, it managed (thanks to the allies) to end up in the side of victors. Nonetheless, France desperately needed American aid to rebuild itself in order not to fall in the Soviet orbit. In the first years of the Cold War, the fourth Republic seemed to have traded the American military umbrella for an independent foreign policy. Moreover, the birth of NATO in 1949 appeared first to unify the West against the Soviet threat. Nevertheless, tensions between France and the United States were already rising. Their main issue concerned the decolonization, but the number of problems involved would only increase with time. Those tensions would, indirectly, bring the downfall of the fourth Republic and, ironically, bring back De Gaulle to power. President De Gaulle would, in the first four years of his term, remain close to the United States, despite some divergences with the American administration. The end of the decolonization process ended a burden for France, freed the French ambitions. The policy of "Grandeur" was launched. The French and the Americans would have, in the years following 1962, significant divergences which would almost ruin the dialogue between the two countries".Show less
This thesis discusses the question of how an understanding of Japanese politics and culture affects the popularity of Ghibli films with a political message, and what this means for the efficacy of...Show moreThis thesis discusses the question of how an understanding of Japanese politics and culture affects the popularity of Ghibli films with a political message, and what this means for the efficacy of Japan’s pop-culture diplomacy. One of the goals of MOFA’s 2006 pop-culture diplomacy is to further the understanding of Japan by disseminating culture, but it does not seem to have the desired effect. To discuss this I have used a reception study using reviews by US and Japanese reviewers. The movies discussed are both by Isao Takahata, one of Studio Ghibli's founders and main directors. The movies are Pom Poko and Grave of the Fireflies. To set the stage I have discussed literature on Ghibli films and domestic politics, cultural heritage and history of Japan. Some key theories are Koichi Iwabuchi's fragrant/odorless theory on culture, Joseph N. Nye's soft power theory and Douglas McGrays's "Japan's Gross National Cool", which has been adapted by the Japanese government as their Cool Japan campaign. To test the efficacy of the dissemination of Japanese culture, politics and history to garner understanding overseas, online reviews were used. Using a content analysis on the reviews I have studied the main points and opinions reviewers from both countries have on both movies. Using Koichi Iwabuchi's odorless/fragrant theory I have then explained why there are differences in appreciation of the movies. These differences in appreciation and understanding prove that MOFA's 2006 pop-culture diplomacy does not work well as it does not attain the goal of gaining understanding of Japanese culture.Show less
International cultural relations connect a countries’ foreign policy agenda and their cultural achievements in a unique way. Therefore, this thesis compares the Austrian and the Dutch approach to...Show moreInternational cultural relations connect a countries’ foreign policy agenda and their cultural achievements in a unique way. Therefore, this thesis compares the Austrian and the Dutch approach to international cultural relations and explores the influence of its soft power projection in the international political arena. It studies the setup, the methods and the resources of the Austrian Cultural Fora and the Dutch embassies. By analysing the cultural diplomacy frameworks, this dissertation explains the incentives of the two countries to invest in cultural policies abroad. The diplomatic activities present national values and promote a politically and economically beneficial Image of the Netherlands and Austria abroad. Despite the aim to establish a coherent approach, the diplomats adapt cultural diplomacy to the political and societal circumstances in the host country to achieve both economic benefits and international cooperation. This research analyses semi-structured interviews with elites working in the field of international cultural relations at the Austrian and the Dutch Ministry for Foreign Affairs as primary sources and supports the findings with secondary literature. The thesis demonstrates that the methods and the institutions of Austrian and Dutch international cultural policy depend on the countries’ history and their foreign policy objectives.Show less
An examination of private diplomatic and political contacts between the United States and Great Britain during the escalation of the Falklands conflict, from the ascent of the Galtieri government...Show moreAn examination of private diplomatic and political contacts between the United States and Great Britain during the escalation of the Falklands conflict, from the ascent of the Galtieri government in December 1981 till the final defeat of Argentina in June 1982. Newly released primary sources, often secret in nature, are used to investigate the consequences for the Anglo-American relationship.Show less
