Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Quasi states and their interaction within the international system remain chronically understudied. To date, Kosovo is the only recent example of a former quasi-state that has managed to proclaim...Show moreQuasi states and their interaction within the international system remain chronically understudied. To date, Kosovo is the only recent example of a former quasi-state that has managed to proclaim independence and be internationally recognized afterwards. While displaying similar characteristics, Nagorno-Karabakh remains unrecognized. United by their nonrecognition, quasi states frequently rely on diplomacy by diasporas for their advocacy and representation. This thesis therefore aims to investigate where this different outcome in terms of diaspora diplomacy originates. Using the concepts of diaspora positionality and diaspora mobilization for an interpretive comparison between Albanian diaspora diplomacy for Kosovo and Armenian diaspora diplomacy for Nagorno-Karabakh in American and European host-state contexts, this research finds that for the Armenian diaspora genocide recognition took precedence over Nagorno-Karabakh, while Kosovo united the Albanian diaspora as a whole which through a combination of historical factors and context awareness subsequently set in motion an irreversible process towards recognized independence. On these grounds, this thesis posits diasporas as determined diplomatic actors in their own right who can play a pivotal role in homeland recognition and therefore warrant further research.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Consensus is an increasingly selected decision-making procedure in negotiations and institutions. As a more informal mode of negotiating and decision-making without voting, We propose a method of...Show moreConsensus is an increasingly selected decision-making procedure in negotiations and institutions. As a more informal mode of negotiating and decision-making without voting, We propose a method of coding and tracking consensus in The Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS), the foremost global organisation tasked with managing and improving states relations in space, by using its annual reports. By building a dataset of all COPUOS reports from 1990 to 2022, we model the presence and extent of consensus over time in against other quantitative data coded within the reports. We find an increasing number of views expressed over time, with the attainment of consensus mostly attributable to the substantive topic discussed. We also notice that factors related to less frequent attainment of consensus are often also associated with a higher strength of consensus. Non-state actors and developing countries are in some cases associated with increased attainment and strength of consensus.Show less
"At the end of the Second World War, the French territory was ravaged. France suffered a humiliating defeat in 1940; however, it managed (thanks to the allies) to end up in the side of victors....Show more"At the end of the Second World War, the French territory was ravaged. France suffered a humiliating defeat in 1940; however, it managed (thanks to the allies) to end up in the side of victors. Nonetheless, France desperately needed American aid to rebuild itself in order not to fall in the Soviet orbit. In the first years of the Cold War, the fourth Republic seemed to have traded the American military umbrella for an independent foreign policy. Moreover, the birth of NATO in 1949 appeared first to unify the West against the Soviet threat. Nevertheless, tensions between France and the United States were already rising. Their main issue concerned the decolonization, but the number of problems involved would only increase with time. Those tensions would, indirectly, bring the downfall of the fourth Republic and, ironically, bring back De Gaulle to power. President De Gaulle would, in the first four years of his term, remain close to the United States, despite some divergences with the American administration. The end of the decolonization process ended a burden for France, freed the French ambitions. The policy of "Grandeur" was launched. The French and the Americans would have, in the years following 1962, significant divergences which would almost ruin the dialogue between the two countries".Show less
This thesis discusses the question of how an understanding of Japanese politics and culture affects the popularity of Ghibli films with a political message, and what this means for the efficacy of...Show moreThis thesis discusses the question of how an understanding of Japanese politics and culture affects the popularity of Ghibli films with a political message, and what this means for the efficacy of Japan’s pop-culture diplomacy. One of the goals of MOFA’s 2006 pop-culture diplomacy is to further the understanding of Japan by disseminating culture, but it does not seem to have the desired effect. To discuss this I have used a reception study using reviews by US and Japanese reviewers. The movies discussed are both by Isao Takahata, one of Studio Ghibli's founders and main directors. The movies are Pom Poko and Grave of the Fireflies. To set the stage I have discussed literature on Ghibli films and domestic politics, cultural heritage and history of Japan. Some key theories are Koichi Iwabuchi's fragrant/odorless theory on culture, Joseph N. Nye's soft power theory and Douglas McGrays's "Japan's Gross National Cool", which has been adapted by the Japanese government as their Cool Japan campaign. To test the efficacy of the dissemination of Japanese culture, politics and history to garner understanding overseas, online reviews were used. Using a content analysis on the reviews I have studied the main points and opinions reviewers from both countries have on both movies. Using Koichi Iwabuchi's odorless/fragrant theory I have then explained why there are differences in appreciation of the movies. These differences in appreciation and understanding prove that MOFA's 2006 pop-culture diplomacy does not work well as it does not attain the goal of gaining understanding of Japanese culture.Show less
An examination of private diplomatic and political contacts between the United States and Great Britain during the escalation of the Falklands conflict, from the ascent of the Galtieri government...Show moreAn examination of private diplomatic and political contacts between the United States and Great Britain during the escalation of the Falklands conflict, from the ascent of the Galtieri government in December 1981 till the final defeat of Argentina in June 1982. Newly released primary sources, often secret in nature, are used to investigate the consequences for the Anglo-American relationship.Show less
