Very little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable...Show moreVery little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable and weak, without any power to shape decisions of middle power states. This thesis examines the relationship between small states, the Pacific Islands, and regional middle power Australia. In order to answer the question “How do the Pacific Island States, as small states, attempt to exert influence on climate change decisions over middle power state Australia in the international environment?” this study employs a qualitative research design of small and middle power states. By showing collective leadership through the United Nations, the PIS are able to influence debates and agenda-setting of middle power states on the norm climate change at the international level. However, the influence of small states on Australia’s climate policies is limited and depends on the receptiveness of the Australian government. Yet, the current geopolitical competition between Australia and China occasionally offers the PIS opportunities to pressure the Australian government.Show less
Subnational climate diplomacy is a concept that has been gaining attention in the field of International Relations in recent years. It refers to the way in which state and local governments are...Show moreSubnational climate diplomacy is a concept that has been gaining attention in the field of International Relations in recent years. It refers to the way in which state and local governments are increasingly taking part in international negotiations and cooperation to advance global climate objectives. This signifies a sizable shift in the traditional approach to state-to-state diplomacy. However, the value of subnational climate diplomacy to the global fight against climate change is currently almost exclusively measured in terms of clearly quantifiable outputs, which largely overlooks its less directly quantifiable contributions and broader social, economic and political impacts. Therefore, this thesis analyzes how subnational climate diplomacy can contribute to transformative change through more indirect impacts. The indirect impacts that are measured are ‘rescaling’ and ‘entrenchment,’ based on the frameworks developed by authors van der Ven, Bernstein and Hoffmann (2017) and Setzer (2017). These two concepts serve to guide the analysis undertaken in this thesis, which aims to answer the following research question: How can subnational climate diplomacy contribute to transformative change through rescaling and entrenchment? To answer this question, the thesis includes a detailed case study of the international climate agenda of the U.S. state of California. The analysis of California's international climate agenda shows how the state’s subnational climate diplomacy is contributing to a rescaling of climate governance. By establishing international linkages along both the vertical and the horizontal axis, California is triggering a rescaling of climate governance on the subnational, national and international/supranational level. Additionally, California’s subnational climate diplomacy is fostering entrenchment by generating effects in climate governance that are durable and difficult to reverse. Overall, this study emphasizes that subnational climate diplomacy can contribute to transformative change in global climate governance, not only through producing directly quantifiable emission reductions, but also through rescaling climate governance and entrenching durable change.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Quasi states and their interaction within the international system remain chronically understudied. To date, Kosovo is the only recent example of a former quasi-state that has managed to proclaim...Show moreQuasi states and their interaction within the international system remain chronically understudied. To date, Kosovo is the only recent example of a former quasi-state that has managed to proclaim independence and be internationally recognized afterwards. While displaying similar characteristics, Nagorno-Karabakh remains unrecognized. United by their nonrecognition, quasi states frequently rely on diplomacy by diasporas for their advocacy and representation. This thesis therefore aims to investigate where this different outcome in terms of diaspora diplomacy originates. Using the concepts of diaspora positionality and diaspora mobilization for an interpretive comparison between Albanian diaspora diplomacy for Kosovo and Armenian diaspora diplomacy for Nagorno-Karabakh in American and European host-state contexts, this research finds that for the Armenian diaspora genocide recognition took precedence over Nagorno-Karabakh, while Kosovo united the Albanian diaspora as a whole which through a combination of historical factors and context awareness subsequently set in motion an irreversible process towards recognized independence. On these grounds, this thesis posits diasporas as determined diplomatic actors in their own right who can play a pivotal role in homeland recognition and therefore warrant further research.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Consensus is an increasingly selected decision-making procedure in negotiations and institutions. As a more informal mode of negotiating and decision-making without voting, We propose a method of...Show moreConsensus is an increasingly selected decision-making procedure in negotiations and institutions. As a more informal mode of negotiating and decision-making without voting, We propose a method of coding and tracking consensus in The Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS), the foremost global organisation tasked with managing and improving states relations in space, by using its annual reports. By building a dataset of all COPUOS reports from 1990 to 2022, we model the presence and extent of consensus over time in against other quantitative data coded within the reports. We find an increasing number of views expressed over time, with the attainment of consensus mostly attributable to the substantive topic discussed. We also notice that factors related to less frequent attainment of consensus are often also associated with a higher strength of consensus. Non-state actors and developing countries are in some cases associated with increased attainment and strength of consensus.Show less
This thesis focuses on Dutch foreign policy towards Japan during the tumultuous Bakumatsu Period (1853-1868) and situates said foreign policy within the broader context of Dutch neutrality and...Show moreThis thesis focuses on Dutch foreign policy towards Japan during the tumultuous Bakumatsu Period (1853-1868) and situates said foreign policy within the broader context of Dutch neutrality and imperialism of the nineteenth century. The study concludes that even though the Dutch government viewed the Netherlands as a small power in Europe, it was a large imperial power in Asia, and as such it had to pursue active foreign policy in East/Southeast Asia to protect Dutch interests in light of encroaching Western imperialism in the region. Contrary to previous studies, this thesis argues that Dutch neutrality did not imply passivity, but instead proved to be a unique form of Dutch foreign policy amidst larger imperial powers and Japan, in which the ingenuity, character and actions of Dutch actors in Japan was crucial.Show less
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the...Show moreThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the reality of an externally initiated attempt to integrate the Chinese and European economies, without being asked for permission. China’s strategy has been a bottom up approach, reaching out to individual EU-member states and their publics with ambitions for bilateral agreements and mutual cooperation. Meanwhile, frictions caused by perceived incompatible political differences have been a source of turbulence for Sino-EU relations for decades. The impact of the BRI on these relations remains obscure, warranting research efforts. This thesis asks specifically how the BRI affects EU foreign policy towards China, using the pathways of connection framework to make inferences. The framework, founded in realism, liberalism and constructivism, takes a relational and practitioner-centred approach. To gather data, explaining-outcome process tracing is employed as a method, trying to provide minimally sufficient evidence to explain the occurrence of the phenomenon under study. The study finds that the BRI affects the EU and EU foreign policy in a broad range of categories, as China rigorously pursues its foreign policy interests. It concludes that Chinese efforts are met negatively by the EU, who in return tries to fortify its defences to prevent the BRI from growing roots on the European continent.Show less
All over the world local governments engage in ‘decentral diplomacy’, which refers to the international relations of sub-state regions (Dams, 2022; Šimalčík, Šebok, Kalivoda, & Blablová, 2021)....Show moreAll over the world local governments engage in ‘decentral diplomacy’, which refers to the international relations of sub-state regions (Dams, 2022; Šimalčík, Šebok, Kalivoda, & Blablová, 2021). European regions often engage in decentral diplomacy with Chinese provinces because of the expected economic outcome. The question is often asked, however, how does a region economically make the most out of these relationships? This thesis studies the domestic state-local political dynamism that influences economic opportunities emerging from the provincial relationship with Jiangsu province. In an interview-based comparative case study using a most similar systems design, the Dutch province Noord-Brabant is compared to the Moravian Silesian Region in Czechia. Whereas these regions are comparable in certain aspects, of which their relationship to Jiangsu is the most important, this thesis makes the comparison studying three dissimilar factors: the extent of central-local coordination on China policy, the institutional structure of the regional relationships, and the local institutional bureaucratic effort. These factors are expected to explain the difference in economic opportunities emerged through the relationship with Jiangsu province. Studying the determinants of good interstate relations at the local level, this thesis finds that based on these two cases particularly the institutional structure of the regional relationships and the local institutional bureaucratic effort are important for economic opportunities emerged through the relationship with Jiangsu.Show less
Since the early 2000s, China has experimented with a range of development-oriented diplomatic initiatives based on multilateral regionalism. One of these initiatives is the Macau Forum, a grouping...Show moreSince the early 2000s, China has experimented with a range of development-oriented diplomatic initiatives based on multilateral regionalism. One of these initiatives is the Macau Forum, a grouping created in 2003 that brings China together with nine lusophone countries to promote economic and trade exchanges. This case study investigates China’s motives for creating and maintaining this multilateral project and examines perceptions from its lusophone participants. The significance of this analysis is that it provides a more granular understanding of the rationale and results of China’s ever-increasing promotion of alternative international development cooperation frameworks in the Global South. To research this topic, I relied primarily on historically-contextualised discourse analysis of primary material from diplomatic and academic sources. Results of this analysis reveal that China was motivated (1) to promote and test out a Chinese vision of development cooperation, (2) to strengthen Macau’s integration with mainland China and (3) to secure Beijing's diplomatic recognition among lusophone countries. Commentary from lusophone diplomats, however, highlights the lack of perceived concrete benefits for the Macau Forum’s participant members. On this basis, the Macau Forum can be likened to other China-led multilateral regional initiatives, such as the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), that are balanced asymmetrically in China’s favour.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
Freshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between...Show moreFreshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between multiple countries. Despite multiple predictions by scholars and experts, states often do not go to war over freshwater. Instead, most disputes end in the signing of a treaty. However, these treaties are not always fair and do not, actually, always end conflict. In the view of this research, treaties are merely a way in which states fight, without using violence, and should thus be seen as a part of ongoing conflict, rather than the end of it. In addition, despite theoretical predictions, international organisations do not play a large role in the creation of River Basin Organisations and neither do hydrohegemons.Show less
With decreasing expenditure and increasingly complex societal demands, Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs) have a unique challenge in public administration cutback management. In an attempt to...Show moreWith decreasing expenditure and increasingly complex societal demands, Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs) have a unique challenge in public administration cutback management. In an attempt to heed this challenge, MFAs can try to use the external shock of a budget cutback to foster innovation within the ministry, in an effort to increase productivity with less resources. This research takes a closer look at the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in the period from 2010 to 2020, a full cyclical period from cutbacks to re-investments. Taking an explanatory research approach, in which ten key officials from the ministry have been interviewed, this research provides a model which theorizes the relationship between cutbacks and innovation. I then operationalize this relationship through five organizational factors (perception, flexibility, organizational agility, power dispersion and historical leadership) and five contextual factors (munificence, turbulence, social capital, goal ambiguity, and professionalism). Of these factors, turbulence and goal ambiguity positively affect creativity in innovation while they negatively affect implementation of innovations, while the rest of the factors stay constant between both phases. The factor historical leadership, however, mitigates the negative effect of turbulence and goal ambiguity in the implementation phase. For the Dutch MFA, the cutbacks have had a positive influence on innovation at the ministry, particularly because of perception, flexibility and historical leadership. For similar cases abroad, or for future cutback rounds, it would therefore be advisable to maximize those factors in a chosen cutback management strategy and start already laying the foundations for historical leadership to develop. Further research, by doing a comparative case study between MFAs, could compare the effectiveness of the factors objectively and further complement a ‘handbook’ for cutback strategies vis à vis innovation in foreign policy.Show less
"At the end of the Second World War, the French territory was ravaged. France suffered a humiliating defeat in 1940; however, it managed (thanks to the allies) to end up in the side of victors....Show more"At the end of the Second World War, the French territory was ravaged. France suffered a humiliating defeat in 1940; however, it managed (thanks to the allies) to end up in the side of victors. Nonetheless, France desperately needed American aid to rebuild itself in order not to fall in the Soviet orbit. In the first years of the Cold War, the fourth Republic seemed to have traded the American military umbrella for an independent foreign policy. Moreover, the birth of NATO in 1949 appeared first to unify the West against the Soviet threat. Nevertheless, tensions between France and the United States were already rising. Their main issue concerned the decolonization, but the number of problems involved would only increase with time. Those tensions would, indirectly, bring the downfall of the fourth Republic and, ironically, bring back De Gaulle to power. President De Gaulle would, in the first four years of his term, remain close to the United States, despite some divergences with the American administration. The end of the decolonization process ended a burden for France, freed the French ambitions. The policy of "Grandeur" was launched. The French and the Americans would have, in the years following 1962, significant divergences which would almost ruin the dialogue between the two countries".Show less
This thesis discusses the question of how an understanding of Japanese politics and culture affects the popularity of Ghibli films with a political message, and what this means for the efficacy of...Show moreThis thesis discusses the question of how an understanding of Japanese politics and culture affects the popularity of Ghibli films with a political message, and what this means for the efficacy of Japan’s pop-culture diplomacy. One of the goals of MOFA’s 2006 pop-culture diplomacy is to further the understanding of Japan by disseminating culture, but it does not seem to have the desired effect. To discuss this I have used a reception study using reviews by US and Japanese reviewers. The movies discussed are both by Isao Takahata, one of Studio Ghibli's founders and main directors. The movies are Pom Poko and Grave of the Fireflies. To set the stage I have discussed literature on Ghibli films and domestic politics, cultural heritage and history of Japan. Some key theories are Koichi Iwabuchi's fragrant/odorless theory on culture, Joseph N. Nye's soft power theory and Douglas McGrays's "Japan's Gross National Cool", which has been adapted by the Japanese government as their Cool Japan campaign. To test the efficacy of the dissemination of Japanese culture, politics and history to garner understanding overseas, online reviews were used. Using a content analysis on the reviews I have studied the main points and opinions reviewers from both countries have on both movies. Using Koichi Iwabuchi's odorless/fragrant theory I have then explained why there are differences in appreciation of the movies. These differences in appreciation and understanding prove that MOFA's 2006 pop-culture diplomacy does not work well as it does not attain the goal of gaining understanding of Japanese culture.Show less
International cultural relations connect a countries’ foreign policy agenda and their cultural achievements in a unique way. Therefore, this thesis compares the Austrian and the Dutch approach to...Show moreInternational cultural relations connect a countries’ foreign policy agenda and their cultural achievements in a unique way. Therefore, this thesis compares the Austrian and the Dutch approach to international cultural relations and explores the influence of its soft power projection in the international political arena. It studies the setup, the methods and the resources of the Austrian Cultural Fora and the Dutch embassies. By analysing the cultural diplomacy frameworks, this dissertation explains the incentives of the two countries to invest in cultural policies abroad. The diplomatic activities present national values and promote a politically and economically beneficial Image of the Netherlands and Austria abroad. Despite the aim to establish a coherent approach, the diplomats adapt cultural diplomacy to the political and societal circumstances in the host country to achieve both economic benefits and international cooperation. This research analyses semi-structured interviews with elites working in the field of international cultural relations at the Austrian and the Dutch Ministry for Foreign Affairs as primary sources and supports the findings with secondary literature. The thesis demonstrates that the methods and the institutions of Austrian and Dutch international cultural policy depend on the countries’ history and their foreign policy objectives.Show less
