Interjections such as 'wow', 'mhm' or 'oh boy', can be defined as conventionalized lingui,stic items that typically constitute a non-elliptical utterance of their own and express a speaker’s...Show moreInterjections such as 'wow', 'mhm' or 'oh boy', can be defined as conventionalized lingui,stic items that typically constitute a non-elliptical utterance of their own and express a speaker’s attitude towards a situation. Many studies have debated about topics like the extent of the interjection class, or the semantics of different types of interjections. However, the context of conversation is needed to truly grasp the way interjections are used in spoken language. This study investigates the interjections of Avatime, a Kwa language of Ghana, focusing specifically on how they are used in interactional discourse. I construct an inventory of the interjections used in a collection of Avatime conversations.I then analyze the functions, positions and multimodal properties of these interjections. The great majority of attested interjections are phatic in function (e.g., backchanneling or expressing agreement), while there is relatively little room for interjections expressing emotions. Most interjections occur on their own (as is part of their definition) or turn-initially. Avatime speakers also regularly communicate in sequences that consist of only interjections. Furthermore, conversation is not unimodal, and neither are interjections. A quarter of the Avatime interjections occur with a gesture (with hand, head or other body parts), although facial expressions are rarely involved in producing gestures. Furthermore, there seems to be great areal convergence of interjections in Avatime and surrounding languages, which are all influenced by the regional lingua franca Ewe. To better understand these areal patterns, and to place interjections in a wider typological perspective, more empirical studies like the present one are needed. Only with comparable data from diverse languages can we understand the use of interjections in conversations around the world, which ultimately is fundamental to understanding human interaction.Show less
Over the years, English interrogative tags (isn’t it? wouldn’t they? right?) have received quite some scholarly attention. However, the same cannot be said of their French counterparts: oui? non? n...Show moreOver the years, English interrogative tags (isn’t it? wouldn’t they? right?) have received quite some scholarly attention. However, the same cannot be said of their French counterparts: oui? non? n’est-ce pas? and hein?. In order to find the interpretative differences between those four tags, we decided to examine the matrix sentences they could combine with. We argued that the incompatibilities of these tags with certain matrix sentences were caused by their intrinsic differences. With that in mind, we used various tests to determine those differences. We found that the polarity distribution within the tag question played an important part in their interpretation. That is, tag questions with reversed polarity (positive matrix, negative tag or vice-versa) clearly conveyed a meaning of doubt on the speaker’s part, whereas those with constant polarity hardly showed any uncertainty at all. We claimed that oui?, a tag that only occurs in constant polarity questions, expresses the dominance of the speaker over the hearer, by means of orders, rhetorical questions and questions that are strongly biased towards a positive answer. Furthermore, we hypothesized that hein? expresses neither doubt nor dominance, which distinguishes it from the other tags we discussed. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Au fil des années, les tags interrogatifs en anglais (isn’t it ? wouldn’t they ? right ?) ont reçu beaucoup d’attention dans la littérature scientifique. Cependant, cela n’est pas vrai pour les tags interrogatifs en français : oui ?, non ?, n’est-ce pas ?, et hein ?. Afin de mieux cerner les différences interprétatives entre ces tags, nous avons examiné les matrices avec lesquelles ils se combinaient. Nous avons avancé que les différences intrinsèques entre les tags provoquent leurs différences de compatibilité. Aussi avons-nous employé différents tests dans l’objectif de mieux comprendre ces différences. Nous avons trouvé que la distribution de polarité dans la question-reprise joue un rôle important dans son interprétation. C’est-à-dire, les questions-reprise de polarité inversée (une matrice positive, un tag négatif ou vice-versa) indiquent un certain degré de doute de la part du locuteur, tandis que celles de polarité constante n’expriment aucun sentiment de doute. Nous avons proposé que oui ?, qui ne figure que dans les contextes de polarité constante, exprime la domination du locuteur par rapport à son interlocuteur. Cette domination se manifeste par des injonctions, des questions rhétoriques et des questions présuppositionnelles. Finalement, nous avons formulé l’hypothèse que hein ? n’exprime ni le doute ni la domination, ce qui le distingue des autres tags que nous avons discutés.Show less
