This thesis focusses on the relation between Singapore’s economic development and US geopolitical interests. Problematically, Singapore’s economic development has been predominantly analysed...Show moreThis thesis focusses on the relation between Singapore’s economic development and US geopolitical interests. Problematically, Singapore’s economic development has been predominantly analysed through an inward-centric and economically-oriented lens, which has prescribed a neglect of external geopolitical drivers. This thesis aims to fill this gap by researching Singapore’s post-war industrialization from an approach that considers external geopolitical influences as an important driver of economic development. In line with this approach, I focus on the relation between US geopolitical interests and Singapore’s post-war industrialization by building on the main theoretical insights from hegemonic stability theory and economic statecraft. Interestingly, the empirical findings of this thesis establish a substantive relation between US geopolitical interests, channelled through capital support to the city-state, and Singapore’s economic development. This is based on the empirical finding that Singapore received economic aid in the late-1960s when US geopolitical interests were threatened by suddenly emerging Singaporean instability. Accordingly, by having connected Singapore’s economic development to US Cold War interests, this thesis has complemented the contemporary state of the literature.Show less
This paper analyses the development and success of China’s use of economic diplomacy in cross-strait relations. It analyses two coercive approaches, and two non-coercive approaches to economic...Show moreThis paper analyses the development and success of China’s use of economic diplomacy in cross-strait relations. It analyses two coercive approaches, and two non-coercive approaches to economic diplomacy. The success of each respective example of economic diplomacy is analysed based on the degree to which the Chinese government succeeded in changing the political affiliation of Taiwanese target groups. The successfulness of each case of economic diplomacy is then further explained through the degree of control the Chinese had over the key-factors involved in these cases. I conclude that overall, non-coercive strategies of economic diplomacy are China’s best option for increasing its influence over Taiwan. While coercive strategies can also benefit Beijing, they are unable to significantly alter the political affiliation of the Taiwanese electorate in Beijing’s favour, as strong coercion tends to generate major public opposition.Show less
