The legacies of the 1988 Seoul Olympic Summer Olympics have been widely researched before. They include the impact on domestic policies (among which policies that impacted the relationship with...Show moreThe legacies of the 1988 Seoul Olympic Summer Olympics have been widely researched before. They include the impact on domestic policies (among which policies that impacted the relationship with North Korea), national pride and collective memory. However, the political climate between the DPRK and the ROK during these 1988 Olympics could not be in starker contrast than during the Winter Olympics in 2018, which provided an opportunity for formal talks between the two countries. This raised the question of whether or not these events could lead to changes in ethnic nationalistic sentiments in ROK society. The aim of this study is to explore how ethnic nationalism discourses in South Korea have been influenced by hosting the 2018 PyeongChang Olympic Winter Games. As existing literature showed, ethnic nationalism is still used as an argument for unification. Based on this, it was hypothesized that if the wish for unification becomes stronger, notions of ethnic nationalism in South Korean society follow this pattern. Because the PyeongChang Winter Olympics were promoting an agenda of peace and reconciliation with the DPRK, it was expected that they would reignite the flame of ethnic nationalism in ROK society. Critical discourse analysis was used to distinguish whether there were any changes within ethnic nationalism discourses before and after the 2018 Winter Olympics. By comparing studies that captured notions of ethnic nationalism before and after February 2018, it became apparent that there were no clear breakthroughs in the ever-declining importance of ethnic nationalism in ROK society. Because this result is opposite to what is expected on the basis of existing literature, this thesis therefore puts into question the relevance of the current ethnic nationalism discourse paradigm.Show less
This thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians...Show moreThis thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians within north-eastern Anatolia; (iii) the Kurds within south-eastern Anatolia; (iv) and the Kurds within the Mosul vilayet (Southern Kurdistan/ present-day northern Iraq), from 1918-1926. The concepts of “Orientalism” and “civilisation” provide the theoretical basis and are applied to the sources analysed. The thesis argues that Britain’s actions were influenced by the prevailing stereotypes of each people and “civilisation”, but ultimately rooted in political and economic interest. The Paris Peace Conference presented an opportunity to strengthen Britain’s position in the eastern Mediterranean and in the Middle East through support for the design of friendly states and re-drawing the political map of the territory within the former Ottoman empire. Each case was part of the process of erecting a new imperial structure in the Middle East. This new structure was to be based upon the organising principle of ethnic nationalism, as promoted by the Allied powers, including Britain. The British role in each case can be described as: the leading supporter of Greek goals in Anatolia; predominantly a supportive observer of Armenian goals in Anatolia, leaving the French to play the role of lead supporter; a cautiously supportive observer of the Anatolian Kurds with little authority outside of its dictation of the Treaty of Sèvres; and a cautious detractor of the autonomy of southern Kurds, having occupied the Mosul vilayet in 1918 and held full colonial authority over it, experimenting with autonomy but ultimately deciding on its abandonment. By 1926, the goals of the Greeks, Armenians, and Kurds in Anatolia and Southern Kurdistan had not been achieved, and all had withered away in British Middle Eastern policy.Show less
In the context of the Euromaidan and subsequent unrests leading to a war in the eastern Ukrainian region of Donbass, this thesis examines the speeches of the country´s president, Petro Poroshenko...Show moreIn the context of the Euromaidan and subsequent unrests leading to a war in the eastern Ukrainian region of Donbass, this thesis examines the speeches of the country´s president, Petro Poroshenko in the first 6 months of his presidency, the second half of 2014. This paper attempts to provide the answer to the following issues, employing critical discourse analysis as the methodology: it examines which form of nationalism, ethnic or civic, is more prevalent in the speeches. Moreover, it identifies the main themes and evaluates Poroshenko´s nation building mission while providing a chapter on the history of these contested forms of nationalism in Ukraine to offer a wider background of the examined issues. This study concluded that the prevalent form of nationalism is civic nationalism and identified anti-Russian rhetoric, the European path and using the war in Donbass as a means of uniting the people as the main topics. However, Poroshenko´s nation-building is defensive rather than proactive. It is largely based on anti-Russian narrative and the current war, but does not offer a viable and sustainable vision of nation-building in a long run, indicating that president Poroshenko is, like his predecessors, unable to resolve the internal division of Ukraine and create a strong national identity which would likely allow Ukraine to improve its economic and political situation.Show less
