This paper seeks to find an answer to the question: "How does BlackRock interact with European industrial policies, such as the Green Deal, and what implications might this have for public...Show moreThis paper seeks to find an answer to the question: "How does BlackRock interact with European industrial policies, such as the Green Deal, and what implications might this have for public objectives?" Key findings suggest that BlackRock has a significant sphere of influence in and around the institutions that constitute the European Union. BlackRock hires strategically by employing former high-ranking government officials, people who have often overseen regulatory processes about BlackRock itself. Furthermore, BlackRock employees occupy strategic positions within several European bodies, such as the EFAMA. BlackRock is very pro-Green Deal to the outside world, but behind the scenes they actively lobby for policies that either delay or undo the Green-Deal policies. They don’t do this using the name “BlackRock” however, they do this through many different Trade Groups which BlackRock dominates. The study concludes that we can speak of a “regulatory capture” of these bodies. However, it is unclear if there is a causal relationship between BlackRock’s sphere of influence and European policy outcomes, and if there is, to which extent. To quantify that, we would need full access to insider information from BlackRock, something that is beyond the scope of this paper. BlackRock’s influence, however, is undeniable.Show less
To tackle transboundary crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the EU seeks effective coordination between its Member States. However, the COVID-19 crisis response in the EU proved uncoordinated...Show moreTo tackle transboundary crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the EU seeks effective coordination between its Member States. However, the COVID-19 crisis response in the EU proved uncoordinated and inconsistent. The EU lacks regulatory power to oblige states to act. It is therefore dependent on the states' willingness to cooperate. This cooperation is essential as the EU exists for similar cross border challenges. Both effective crisis response and EU relevance depend on efficient coordination in the EU. Successful securitisation of a phenomenon can increase the cooperation of Member States. Thus, this study investigates how the EU framed COVID-19 as a threat to the EU Member States. Specifically, this study analyses to what extent the EU securitised COVID-19 until 15 April 2020. Securitisation is a theoretical framework developed by the Copenhagen School to explore how political matters become security issues through the use of security language. Discourse analysis, a qualitative research approach, allowed for exploring the securitisation of COVID-19 in speeches and statements by the European Commission. Coding the documents provided a systematic overview of the methods employed to frame COVID-19 as an external threat to the EU. The results demonstrate three main approaches utilised to convey the threat: a) linguistically implying unification before framing COVID-19 as an external threat to the union; b) indicating seriousness and urgency through vocabulary choices; and c) stressing the importance less directly through extensive use of idioms. In conclusion, the EU securitised COVID-19 to a large and varied extent. The question remains whether the securitising moves were adequate, as the EU crisis response proved uncoordinatedShow less
The European Union has been promoting the use and production of renewable energies through various policies. In 2009, the Renewable Energy Directive 2009/28/EC was introduced. The Directive also...Show moreThe European Union has been promoting the use and production of renewable energies through various policies. In 2009, the Renewable Energy Directive 2009/28/EC was introduced. The Directive also set mandatory targets for the EU-28 Member States individually. The Member States are free to choose the instruments with which they promote the use of renewable energy consumption. In achieving these goals two main instruments were used: price-based or quota-based instruments. Therefore, the central question to this research is ‘what effect does the introduction of mandatory national targets, combined with the freedom of instrument choice, introduced by the Renewable Energy Directive (2009), have on the share of renewable energy in the EU-28 from 2004 to 2018?’ The academic debate does not give a clear answer on both of these topics. The effectiveness of the mandatory national targets and which instrument for promoting renewable energy is the most efficient is disputed. The most popular policy for promoting renewable energy are the price-based policies (FIT/FIP). This can also clearly be seen in the EU-28, where the FIT is in the clear majority. The research question will be tested by using three statistical models. First, a pooled regression model will be used to estimate the effect of the introduction of the RED and the instruments that were used on the share of renewable energy in the EU-28. Secondly, some biases will be corrected for by using a Fixed Effects regression model. The dependent variable that will be used is ‘the share of renewable energy in the gross final energy consumption’ in the EU-28 countries. Our final model will investigate the presence of beta- convergence, which will be used to test how the ambition of the national targets played a role. The results show that the levels of renewable energy increased after the introduction of the RED in 2009. The results from the method of beta-convergence show that countries that had a more ambitious national goal set for them in 2009 showed a more substantial growth in their share of renewable energy. Besides that, the results give no reliable and clear answer to the question which promotion instrument is more effective. The only significant result shows that price-based policies show higher levels of renewable energy in their energy mix, which is in line with our expectations.Show less
The lobbying for federalism in Europe has a long history with many associated movements. One of the oldest federalist initiatives is the Paneuropean Union (PEU), formally established in 1924. A...Show moreThe lobbying for federalism in Europe has a long history with many associated movements. One of the oldest federalist initiatives is the Paneuropean Union (PEU), formally established in 1924. A later addition to the lobby movements was the Union of European Federalists (UEF), which was established in 1946. So far, no federal Europe has been established, and with recent events such as the Brexit this goal seems farther away than ever. Does this lack of success then mean a failure of the decades of federalist movements and lobbying? The PEU and UEF have been researched on three components, namely: ideology, membership and organization structure, and lastly, envisioned federal structure. Ideology-wise, the PEU and UEF had a very different base; the PEU founding ideology could be described as conservative with strong nationalistic elements, while the UEF had a background in socialism and communism, with a strong opposition towards nationalism. Research on membership also shows a large difference between the PEU and UEF. The PEU gained much attention with attracting many notable individuals in the realm of politicians, industrialists and nobility, such as Benito Mussolini and Otto von Hapsburg. The PEU’s following then was rather small and elitist. Contrary to this, the UEF had a much larger following since its inception. Lastly, on the topic of structure, both organizations remained relatively vague on the exact execution, but both agreed on sole military rights for the European federal government or a proposed economic unity. Concluding, although the direct initiatives of the federalist movements might have failed, the reasons for which they considered federalism necessary have to a large degree been successful. Not to mention, the continued attention for federalism, which has led to these movements’ being discussed decades after the factShow less
For a long time, Europe has played a significant part on the global development of ideology owing to its strong economy. This is no longer the case as the Chinese economy has grown rapidly since...Show moreFor a long time, Europe has played a significant part on the global development of ideology owing to its strong economy. This is no longer the case as the Chinese economy has grown rapidly since undergoing major economic reforms, to now becoming an influential actor in global economy. This thesis aims to investigate the extent in which the booming Chinese economy has impacted the ability of the EU to continue and pursue its liberal agenda. By looking at the complexity of the current global economic system, I will expose the vulnerability of EU in the face of an increasingly assertive China, particularly through the German-Sino and French-Sino relations in regards to their rhetoric on human right.Show less
This thesis concentrates on parliamentary control in EU matters by focussing on the adoption of the new roles for national parliaments stipulated in the Lisbon Treaty. To seek an explanation for...Show moreThis thesis concentrates on parliamentary control in EU matters by focussing on the adoption of the new roles for national parliaments stipulated in the Lisbon Treaty. To seek an explanation for the differences in scrutiny strength across member states, this master thesis investigates whether parliamentary control is in relation with the eurosceptic nature of national parliaments and its public. It is important to examine the eurosceptic nature of national parliaments, as it can be argued that national parliaments with an eurosceptic public wish to have European matters handled in their national institutions, whereas national parliaments with a pro-European tendency are more willing to delegate authority to EU institutions. In addition, it is also important to examine this subject as many national parliaments are facing the problem of agency loss and are searching for ways to become stronger represented in the EU. In this master thesis, it is examined whether national parliaments with a strong eurosceptic character are stronger represented in the EU. In other words, is parliamentary control on EU affairs strengthened by public opinion?Show less
This thesis researches the way in which the pharmaceutical industry protects its interests in animal testing at the European Commission and looks especially at the influence of the public opinion.
