This thesis examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on transatlantic relations through a neoclassical realist perspective. It tests the hypothesis that the sustained conflict would...Show moreThis thesis examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on transatlantic relations through a neoclassical realist perspective. It tests the hypothesis that the sustained conflict would foster nationalist and regionalist sentiment, leading to continued divergence in the transatlantic alliance. The paper does this by employing a holistic grading method to analyze nationalist and European regionalist rhetoric in speeches from key Western leaders, specifically French President Emmanuel Macron, American President Joe Biden, and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz. Contrary to initial expectations, the findings indicate that nationalist and European regionalist sentiments have not significantly increased among these leaders. Consequently, the US-EU relationship remains on a convergent path, suggesting resilience in the liberal international order.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Europe (and beyond) has adopted its foreign policy which meant for many countries providing military support to Ukraine and/ or agreeing to...Show moreFollowing Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Europe (and beyond) has adopted its foreign policy which meant for many countries providing military support to Ukraine and/ or agreeing to harsh economic sanctions against Russia. However, the German case is special: Due to historical reasons and – at the latest since 1990 – the expansion of political and economic networks, Germany has been heavily involved in EU-Russia relations and became Russia’s most important partner in Brussels. Against this background, this thesis attempts to answer the following question: Why did a major foreign policy change in Germany only happen in 2022 after the Russian invasion of Ukraine – and not already in 2014 after the Russian annexation of Crimea? This is done by performing a comparative case study and applying process tracing for the years 2014 and 2022 – enrichened by extensive interview research in Berlin with senior MFA officials, MPs specialised in foreign policy as well as with journalists. This thesis finds that in both years an exogenous political shock triggered the change process – but with a different scope. That is best explained by the reprioritisation and (partly) neglection of core pillars of German foreign policy – Ostpolitik, Wandel durch Handel, Westbindung, non-military foreign policy and historical responsibility – that occurred from 2014 to 2022.Show less
This paper makes a comparative case analysis between the independent status-seeking foreign policies of Gaullist France and Erdoğanist Turkey to provide a novel theoretical framework for...Show moreThis paper makes a comparative case analysis between the independent status-seeking foreign policies of Gaullist France and Erdoğanist Turkey to provide a novel theoretical framework for understanding the struggle for status within multilateral alliances. Using theories related to the role of “status” and “national role conceptions” in international relations, it analyzes how status-seeking foreign policies aimed at asserting French and Turkish great power status, led France and Turkey to clash with the Atlantic bloc’s hegemon – the United States – which attempted to curb their ambitions to protect its own status, leading both France and Turkey to adopt more confrontational status-seeking strategies, which affected their position within the Atlantic bloc and turned them into “rogue members”. Based on this comparison, this paper posits a “rogue member theory” that can help analyze the struggle for status within multilateral alliances between aspiring great powers and the alliance’s hegemonic state.Show less
Due to their limited relative power and material capabilities, neorealism posits that weaker states can either pursue a balancing or bandwagoning strategy against the revisionist power threat....Show moreDue to their limited relative power and material capabilities, neorealism posits that weaker states can either pursue a balancing or bandwagoning strategy against the revisionist power threat. However, Southeast Asian states are not behaving as the neorealist expectations suggest. Instead, hedging explains why these smaller states opt for middle-ground strategies, but this framework fails to account for sudden shifts in foreign policy. Consequently, there is still no clear consensus on what explains varying foreign policy behaviour in weaker Southeast Asian states under similar systemic pressures from US-China competition. To fill this gap, this thesis seeks to answer the research question: ‘How do domestic political factors contribute to a change in a weaker state’s foreign policy strategy toward competing great powers?’ The thesis approaches this question by using Schweller’s (2006) neoclassical realist theory of underbalancing behaviour which provides a model of four intervening domestic-level factors to explain strategic changes. The four domestic-level factors: elite consensus, elite cohesion, societal cohesion, and government vulnerability are applied to a single case study of the Philippines under President Duterte and analysed through archival analysis and process tracing. The analysis demonstrates that the four domestic political factors had influenced the Philippines’ decision to restrengthen their US alliance and distance themselves from further alignment with China to an extent. It further found government vulnerability and social cohesion to be the most significant explanatory factors. These findings contribute to a better understanding of weaker state foreign policy behaviour amid great power rivalry and underlines the importance of a domestic-level analysis.Show less
This thesis investigates state identity articulations in foreign policy regarding the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) within the context of a deteriorating security...Show moreThis thesis investigates state identity articulations in foreign policy regarding the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) within the context of a deteriorating security environment in Northeast Asia. Through a critical constructivist approach, the study explores how South Korea’s collective memory of historical experiences with Japan has influenced South Korea's foreign policy decisions and bilateral relations with Japan from 2012 to 2023. The findings show that the increasing need for security cooperation reconstructs South Korea’s national identity. South Korea’s colonial memories have impeded an approach toward future-oriented policies regarding the GSOMIA. However, under the current Yoon administration, South Korea appears to prioritize bilateral security cooperation with Japan instead of reproducing the historical disputes, resulting in the improvement of South Korea-Japan relations. This study contributes to the current scholarship on identity and IR by showing how state identity shapes international relations, with a focus on how state identity articulations in foreign policy manifest and transform amidst increasing security threats, and its impact on bilateral ties.Show less
One year into the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war, debates still rage over the Russian motivations for this war. Purely international explanations, found in offensive and defensive realism, emphasise that...Show moreOne year into the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war, debates still rage over the Russian motivations for this war. Purely international explanations, found in offensive and defensive realism, emphasise that wars are best understood as a means of states to ensure security among states. I argue that domestic considerations matter by stressing the analytical utility of the selectorate theory of war, which argues that state behaviour is best explained by a leader's desire to stay in power through ensuring loyalty by providing public and private goods. Using a qualitative explanatory case study research design, focusing on a single case: the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It is found that before the war, Vladimir Putin was facing a crisis of political survival because his ability to ensure support from the elites he depended on and the wider public was increasingly constrained during his presidency due to a persistently stagnating economy. The war strengthened Putin’s political survival because newly acquired territories provide new sources of revenue for Russia’s elites. For the wider public, this study strongly suggests that Putin was aiming for a rally round the flag effect to distract the public at home from deteriorating circumstances and temporarily reduce the demand for public goods. In addition, the war legitimised greater repression, which signals a high cost of expressing discontent with Putin which deters future opposition and serves as a means to purge the elites and the broader public from disloyalty. Understanding these domestic factors that are negated by the purely international explanations of war is crucial for understanding the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war. This thesis provides a novel contribution to the literature explaining Russia’s foreign policies by using the selectorate theory of war, a theory that has not been used systematically for explaining Russia’s foreign policy.Show less
In the summer of 2023, the Dutch Ministry will launch a feminist foreign policy. We expect this to be a mainly liberal feminist foreign policy. This is comparable to current efforts in name of...Show moreIn the summer of 2023, the Dutch Ministry will launch a feminist foreign policy. We expect this to be a mainly liberal feminist foreign policy. This is comparable to current efforts in name of feminism in Dutch foreign policy, as well as the feminist foreign policies of Sweden, Canada and France. In this thesis, we explore if and how such a liberal feminist foreign policy aligns with stakeholder perspectives on what a feminist foreign policy should entail. By using Q-methodology, we ask respondents to rank statements on foreign policy from perspectives rooted in liberal-, cultural-, socialist-, intersectional- and postcolonial feminist theory. We conclude that respondents rank liberal feminist statements the lowest. Rather, respondents argue for a Dutch feminist foreign policy that prioritizes perspectives rooted in intersectional- and postcolonial feminism.Show less
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the...Show moreThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the reality of an externally initiated attempt to integrate the Chinese and European economies, without being asked for permission. China’s strategy has been a bottom up approach, reaching out to individual EU-member states and their publics with ambitions for bilateral agreements and mutual cooperation. Meanwhile, frictions caused by perceived incompatible political differences have been a source of turbulence for Sino-EU relations for decades. The impact of the BRI on these relations remains obscure, warranting research efforts. This thesis asks specifically how the BRI affects EU foreign policy towards China, using the pathways of connection framework to make inferences. The framework, founded in realism, liberalism and constructivism, takes a relational and practitioner-centred approach. To gather data, explaining-outcome process tracing is employed as a method, trying to provide minimally sufficient evidence to explain the occurrence of the phenomenon under study. The study finds that the BRI affects the EU and EU foreign policy in a broad range of categories, as China rigorously pursues its foreign policy interests. It concludes that Chinese efforts are met negatively by the EU, who in return tries to fortify its defences to prevent the BRI from growing roots on the European continent.Show less
This thesis investigates how the German Federal Government lives up to its normative and international commitments and initiatives to harmonize arms export controls. By analyzing existing data from...Show moreThis thesis investigates how the German Federal Government lives up to its normative and international commitments and initiatives to harmonize arms export controls. By analyzing existing data from the Federal Government’s yearly reports on its policy on exports of conventional military equipment and applying the International Relations Theories of Neorealism and Neoliberalism, it highlights the inseparability of arms export policy frameworks and foreign and security policy interests in the case of Germany. Furthermore, this thesis calls attention to the hierarchical structure that exists within this inseparability where the country’s arms export policy framework is given a secondary role to its foreign and security interests.Show less
The reforms of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman are already well established in the historiography, both domestically and externally. Nevertheless, the association of his reforms...Show moreThe reforms of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman are already well established in the historiography, both domestically and externally. Nevertheless, the association of his reforms with Mohammed bin Salman's need to demonstrate his ability to rule and his legitimacy to become King of Saudi Arabia in the future has received little attention. The thesis focuses primarily on Mohammed bin Salman's controversial rise to power within the Saudi family and his increased anti-Iranian foreign policy since his appointment as Defense Minister in 2015. The innovative character of the thesis is in the more precise analysis of this anti-Iranian policy by taking three case studies, respectively, the policy exercised by Mohammed bin Salman towards Iran but also Yemen and Qatar. The main argument is that he undertakes this more hostile foreign policy because he needs to show his ability to rule, his power in the region and especially his legitimacy to become future King of the Kingdom.Show less
This thesis analyses the determinants, of Iranian foreign policy towards the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia within, the regional sub-system, of the Middle East. Iranian foreign policy approach during two...Show moreThis thesis analyses the determinants, of Iranian foreign policy towards the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia within, the regional sub-system, of the Middle East. Iranian foreign policy approach during two regional crises- the- Bahraini and the Yemeni one- varies greatly and raises questions about the rationale of Iranian foreign policy towards Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. This research tries to explain why Islamic Republic of Iran chose a militant approach in the Yemeni crisis whilst it opted for a passive approach in the Bahraini crisis. Furthermore, it seeks to discover what is the nature and the causality of Iran’s militant option in Yemen. This work is a qualitative research which use the case study of Yemeni Civil War, as a pattern of analysis. Through the lens of structural realism this research argues that the Iranian foreign policy posture towards Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is defensive in nature, and is aimed at the Iranian state’s survival and security maximization.Show less
This thesis investigates the internationalization of policy advice in foreign policy advisory system of the Netherlands. By applying a quantitative, citation-based analysis, it contributes to...Show moreThis thesis investigates the internationalization of policy advice in foreign policy advisory system of the Netherlands. By applying a quantitative, citation-based analysis, it contributes to existing research on trends affecting the use of transnational academic knowledge and expertise in Dutch policy advisory bodies. The study seeks to contribute to the debate on the changing dynamics of Policy Advisory Systems and the influence of international sources of knowledge on domestic policy formation. Foreign policy advice will be examined as a case study. This adds a novel element, as foreign policy is seldomly analyzed from a Public Administration perspective. The methodology employed will make use of reports published by the Adviesraad Internationale Vraagstukken (AIV), by looking at the number of domestic and international sources cited, amongst other variables. The thesis will be structured as follows; firstly a preliminary overview of policy advisory systems literature will be given before theory on internationalization more generally, and in policy advice specifically, will be included. The theory will be applied to the context of the Dutch Foreign Policy Advisory System before the research design will introduce the methods utilized. The empirical chapter, analysis, conclusion and discussion will round off this thesis.Show less
Peacekeeping has become one of the most enduring traditions, symbols, and narratives that constitutes Canadian national identity and strategic culture since Lester B. Pearson won the Nobel Peace...Show morePeacekeeping has become one of the most enduring traditions, symbols, and narratives that constitutes Canadian national identity and strategic culture since Lester B. Pearson won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1957 for creating the first peacekeeping force. However, upon closer inspection of Canada’s record on peacekeeping, contradictions emerge between the promise and practice of this national tradition. Why does peacekeeping persist as a tenet of Canadian identity and strategic culture when it no longer plays a prominent international role in peacekeeping? While perplexing, the theories of strategic cultural change and competing strategic subcultures provide the framework for addressing this question. This thesis finds that contradictions persist in the promise and practice of peacekeeping because while the Pearsonian Internationalist subculture that grew out of Canada’s peacekeeping achievements is no longer a dominant worldview, it endures as a potent vestigial influence that continues to strike at the heart of what it means to be Canadian and helps contextualize the efficaciousness of the new Robust Western Ally hegemonic subculture’s policy preferences. Through employing a Foucauldian Discourse Analysis to reveal the mechanisms of power employed by the competing subcultures in academic, media, and political discourses, this thesis sheds light on how norms, narratives, and cultural factors that have clandestinely and conflictingly influenced strategic preferences on peacekeeping in Canada from 1991 to 2017.Show less
This thesis proposes the ancient Chinese philosophy of Confucianism as an analytical lens to study Chinese foreign policy. The need for a framework consisting of Confucian teachings emerges from...Show moreThis thesis proposes the ancient Chinese philosophy of Confucianism as an analytical lens to study Chinese foreign policy. The need for a framework consisting of Confucian teachings emerges from the limited perspectives mainstream Western IR can offer to the theories evolving around the rise of China. There is value in looking at Chinese foreign relations through Confucianism because it shows cultural and social behavioural aspects, which govern Chinese society, and thus, contributes a different approach to the study of IR. The presented case study of China’s foreign policy toward the Middle East takes into account context specific, relational elements in order to obtain valuable insights. By applying a framework consisting of Confucian teachings on governance, order, and relationship, this thesis demonstrates an interpretation of Chinese foreign policy that has been disregarded by mainstream Western IR scholarship until now.Show less
