Cyber crisis management is a relatively new and under researched topic in scientific literature. Most research on cyber crises is focused on defining it and developing exercises. But to make sense...Show moreCyber crisis management is a relatively new and under researched topic in scientific literature. Most research on cyber crises is focused on defining it and developing exercises. But to make sense of a cyber crisis has not been thoroughly examined. The current study aims to explore how incident response (IR) and crisis response (CR) teams in governmental (GOV) and critical infrastructure (CI) organizations make sense of a cyber crisis, in the context of a Dutch national cyber exercise, “ISIDOOR IV”. Through a questionnaire, observers of participating teams were asked to indicate how these teams show behavior related to the Data/Frame theory (Klein, 2010) and on the questions they ask in relation to situational, identity-oriented, and action-oriented sensemaking (Kalkman, 2019). In interviews, experts were asked to indicate challenges in sensemaking and suggest how sensemaking in teams, organizations and between organizations can be improved. This study revealed that IR and CR teams within GOV and CI organizations utilize framing strategies derived from the Data/Frame theory, with a particular focus on Identifying a frame. Behavior on other steps in the framework appears less pronounced. Especially Questioning a frame seems to pose challenges. The study demonstrated that IR and CR teams in GOV and CI organizations ask sensemaking questions. Particularly noteworthy are the high scores observed in Information sharing. And finally, the questionnaire and interviews provided insight into what the challenges to sensemaking in cyber crises are, and what can be improved on team, organizational and inter-organizational level when it comes to sensemaking.Show less
Er is onderzoek gedaan naar de rol die bestaande beelden over deepfakes in de Nederlandse media speelden in berichtgeving over een specifieke casus die zich afspeelde in april 2021. Hierbij deed...Show moreEr is onderzoek gedaan naar de rol die bestaande beelden over deepfakes in de Nederlandse media speelden in berichtgeving over een specifieke casus die zich afspeelde in april 2021. Hierbij deed een lid van een Russisch bedriegersduo zich voor als de Russische oppositiepoliticus Leonid Volkov en sprak met de Vaste Kamercommissie voor buitenlandse zaken. Eerst rapporteerde de berichtgeving over deze casus dat de bedrieger gebruik maakte van deepfaketechnologie, maar dit bleek later niet zo te zijn. Deze scriptie onderzoekt hoe deze fout tot stand gekomen is en welke factoren daa r een rol bij hebben gespeeld aan de hand van drie stappen. In de eerste stap is er een frameanalyse uitgevoerd over de Nederlandse berichtgeving over deepfakes in de periode 23 november 2020 tot 23 april 2021, waaruit bleek dat de framing van deepfakes in deze periode grotendeels negatief was. In de tweede en derde stap is een reconstructie van de berichtgeving over de casus uitgevoerd, respectievelijk door middel van een analyse van de berichtgeving zelf en door interviews met twee journalisten die over d e casus schreven. Hieruit bleek dat meerdere factoren een rol speelden in het ontstaan van de fout, inclusief de bestaande hype over deepfaketechnologie, maar ook gebrek aan beeldmateriaal van de bedrieger en de tijdsdruk die in het algemeen binnen het journalistieke vak bestaat.Show less
Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
open access
The necessity of a transition to a more sustainable food system is widely recognised, but the path that should be taken to achieve this is strongly contested. In 2020 the European Commission...Show moreThe necessity of a transition to a more sustainable food system is widely recognised, but the path that should be taken to achieve this is strongly contested. In 2020 the European Commission published the Farm to Fork Strategy, a policy framework which has the aim of facilitating the transition to a more sustainable food system in the European Union. Since its publication, it has however faced mounting opposition and consequently there are growing concerns that the original promise of the Strategy will be watered down. In light of the need to build and maintain support for the Farm to Fork Strategy throughout the EU, a deeper understanding of the media discourse on this issue can provide important insights for policymakers and campaigners. There is, however, little research on the media discourse on sustainability, and even less on sustainable food systems. Using Austria and Czechia as case studies, this thesis investigates the media discourse on sustainable food systems in the European Union. My findings demonstrate that while there are many similarities in the reporting, there are also important differences in the content of the media coverage between the two countries. Furthermore, I find that frames which emphasise the role of the market in addressing sustainability issues are dominant in the coverage across both countries. Other key frames identified include the role of regulation in transitioning to sustainable food systems, as well as the potential of technological solutions. Furthermore, a new frame is identified that emphasises how the negative impacts of imported food such as food insecurity and carbon emissions can be avoided through prioritisation of nationally produced food.Show less
This thesis is organized in the following way. Chapter 1 discusses relevant scholarly literature which explains the concepts of populism, Euroscepticism, Dutch right-wing political parties, Muslim...Show moreThis thesis is organized in the following way. Chapter 1 discusses relevant scholarly literature which explains the concepts of populism, Euroscepticism, Dutch right-wing political parties, Muslim immigration and integration in the Netherlands and illustrates the suitable cultural, political, and economic dimensions. Furthermore, Chapter 2 presents the methodology; a qualitative framing analysis applied to the PVV and FvD party manifestos. This thesis examines three levels demonstrating how Muslim immigrants and the EU are framed as a threat to Dutch society. These dimensions are separated into three chapters: the cultural, political, and economic dimensions. Chapter 3 presents the cultural dimension and analyzes the themes of national identity preservation, cultural clashes, stereotyping, and scapegoating. Moreover, Chapter 4 composes the political dimension with subchapters on the anti-establishment stance of the parties, national sovereignty threat, and policy proposals. The last chapter, Chapter 5, constructs the economic dimension and comprises the perceived financial burden, welfare state threat, and exclusive economic cooperation. Lastly, a discussion of the framing analysis of the manifestos and concluding remarks are presented.Show less
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the...Show moreThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the reality of an externally initiated attempt to integrate the Chinese and European economies, without being asked for permission. China’s strategy has been a bottom up approach, reaching out to individual EU-member states and their publics with ambitions for bilateral agreements and mutual cooperation. Meanwhile, frictions caused by perceived incompatible political differences have been a source of turbulence for Sino-EU relations for decades. The impact of the BRI on these relations remains obscure, warranting research efforts. This thesis asks specifically how the BRI affects EU foreign policy towards China, using the pathways of connection framework to make inferences. The framework, founded in realism, liberalism and constructivism, takes a relational and practitioner-centred approach. To gather data, explaining-outcome process tracing is employed as a method, trying to provide minimally sufficient evidence to explain the occurrence of the phenomenon under study. The study finds that the BRI affects the EU and EU foreign policy in a broad range of categories, as China rigorously pursues its foreign policy interests. It concludes that Chinese efforts are met negatively by the EU, who in return tries to fortify its defences to prevent the BRI from growing roots on the European continent.Show less
In dit onderzoek wordt de vraag beantwoord hoe het Kremlin de informatie in de aanloop naar de Tweede Tsjetsjeense Oorlog heeft geframed in de media, om zo de publieke opinie te beïnvloeden. Ook...Show moreIn dit onderzoek wordt de vraag beantwoord hoe het Kremlin de informatie in de aanloop naar de Tweede Tsjetsjeense Oorlog heeft geframed in de media, om zo de publieke opinie te beïnvloeden. Ook richt dit onderzoek zich op de vraag wat deze oorlog en de framing ons leren over het presidentschap van Poetin.Show less
My thesis investigates the problem of contrasting image-making of politicians in the 1970s and 1980s in the Netherlands. It studies the image-making of politicians, which saw the changing of norms...Show moreMy thesis investigates the problem of contrasting image-making of politicians in the 1970s and 1980s in the Netherlands. It studies the image-making of politicians, which saw the changing of norms in the political arena, professionalisation of journalism and wider social-cultural changes. Strikingly, during this period of emancipation of women and more women entering politics, the writing about female politicians stays partly stereotypical, whilst their self-presentation also follows stereotypical narratives in specific instances.Show less
Het onvoorwaardelijk universeel basisinkomen (UBI) is een concept dat regelmatig naar voren komt in het publieke debat. Een UBI heeft meerdere potentiële voor- en nadelen, waaronder een mogelijke...Show moreHet onvoorwaardelijk universeel basisinkomen (UBI) is een concept dat regelmatig naar voren komt in het publieke debat. Een UBI heeft meerdere potentiële voor- en nadelen, waaronder een mogelijke invloed op de werkbereidheid. Een afname van de werkbereidheid zou mogelijk ongunstige maatschappelijke gevolgen met zich mee kunnen brengen. Voor deze scriptie is daarom de werkbereidheid bij een UBI onderzocht door middel van een experimenteel gedragsonderzoek. De verwachting was dat de voorwaardelijkheid en de framing van het basisinkomen en de persoonlijke mate van zelfeffectiviteit invloed hebben op de keuze om wel of niet te gaan werken. Het onderzoek vond online plaats onder 146 participanten. De werkbereidheid is gemeten door middel van een real effort slider task en de zelfeffectiviteit is gemeten met de Dutch General Self-Efficacy Scale. Participanten zijn willekeurig verdeeld over drie condities: een UBI conditie met winst frame, een conditioneel basisinkomen (CBI) conditie met winst frame en een CBI conditie met verlies frame. In het onderzoek is geen relatie gevonden tussen de werkbereidheid en de persoonlijke mate van zelfeffectiviteit. Daarnaast is er geen verschil gevonden in de werkbereidheid tussen winst of verlies framing van een basisinkomen. Wel bleek de werkbereidheid significant groter bij een voorwaardelijk basisinkomen (UBI) dan bij een onvoorwaardelijke basisinkomen (CBI). Dit wijst op een effect van voorwaardelijkheid van een basisinkomen op de werkbereidheid. De resultaten suggereren dat een UBI niet hoeft te leiden tot een afname van de werkbereidheid en mogelijk zelfs kan leiden tot een toename hiervan. An unconditional universal basic income (UBI) is a concept that is often subject to public debate. A UBI is debated to have multiple potential advantages and disadvantages, including a possible influence on people’s willingness to work. A decrease in the willingness to work could potentially have unfavorable effects on society. Therefore this thesis researched the effects of a UBI on the willingness to work by means of a behavioral experiment. The expectation was that not only the conditionality but also the framing of a basic income and the personal degree of self-efficacy influence people’s willingness to work. The experiment took place online, among 146 participants. The willingness to work was measured using a real effort slider task. Self-efficacy was measured using the Dutch General Self-Efficacy Scale. Participants were randomly divided into three conditions: a UBI condition with a gain frame, a conditional basic income (CBI) condition with a gain frame and a CBI condition with a loss frame. The experiment found no relationship between people’s willingness to work and the personal degree of self-efficacy. In addition, no difference was found in the willingness to work between gain and loss framing of a basic income. However, the willingness to work when receiving an unconditional basic income (UBI) turned out to be significantly higher compared to a conditional basic income (CBI). These results point to an effect of the conditionality of a basic income on the willingness to work. This suggests that a UBI does not necessarily lead to a decrease in the willingness to work and may even lead to an increase.Show less
Female foreign fighters joining ISIS and other Jihadist organisations are a complex topic, with a multitude of policies proposed to tackle the issue of how and whether to reintegrate them and their...Show moreFemale foreign fighters joining ISIS and other Jihadist organisations are a complex topic, with a multitude of policies proposed to tackle the issue of how and whether to reintegrate them and their families in the societies of their home countries. The problem touches on threats from terrorism, but also on compassionate themes such as the children born in the Caliphate, now often residing in refugee camps. This study used a survey experiment (N = 55) to test whether framings evoking either fear or compassion influenced support for harsh or lenient policy aimed at female foreign fighters. Although the sample size only allows for tentative conclusions, no statistically significant ef ect was found, indicating that dif erent framings did not influence policy support.Show less
De Britse overheid vervult een prominente rol in de publieke communicatie over Covid-19. De overheid probeert de informatie over de crisis te beheren en als gevolg hiervan verschijnen veel...Show moreDe Britse overheid vervult een prominente rol in de publieke communicatie over Covid-19. De overheid probeert de informatie over de crisis te beheren en als gevolg hiervan verschijnen veel inspanningen van de overheid om het debat te sturen rechtstreeks in de media. Het is daarom interessant om te onderzoeken hoe de Britse overheid, een van de grootste communicatoren van publieke communicatie over Covid-19, preventiegedrag probeert aan te moedigen en hoe ze haar boodschap aanstuurt middels frames. Deze scriptie doet daarom onderzoek naar de dominante frames in de gezondheidsvoorlichtingcampagne van de Britse overheid.Show less
Deze scriptie analyseert partijprogramma's voor de Tweede Kamerverkiezingen tussen 1971 en 2002. Doormiddel van een frameanalyse wordt er gekeken naar hoe gastarbeiders werden besproken en welke...Show moreDeze scriptie analyseert partijprogramma's voor de Tweede Kamerverkiezingen tussen 1971 en 2002. Doormiddel van een frameanalyse wordt er gekeken naar hoe gastarbeiders werden besproken en welke aspecten van hun identiteit werd uitgelicht om hun relatie tot de Nederlandse samenleving te bepalen. Door de lange onderzoeksperiode wordt duidelijk dat hier significante veranderingen optraden.Show less
The media has played a centripetal role in shaping public opinion and setting domestic and foreign affairs agendas. The Republic of Turkey is a ubiquitous factor in Greek historiography, nation...Show moreThe media has played a centripetal role in shaping public opinion and setting domestic and foreign affairs agendas. The Republic of Turkey is a ubiquitous factor in Greek historiography, nation-building processes, and foreign security policy. Throughout their unstable and fluctuating relations, the Greco – Turkish dyad has received copious media attention. In 2019 Turkey and Libya signed a maritime exclusive economic zone (EEZ) Memorandum of Understanding. Such a settlement allegedly balked the EU's planned project to enhance the EastMed pipeline and violated Greece's EEZ, consequently causing an intense media reaction throughout Greece. This thesis applies Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to the publications of Kathimerini and Ta Nea, Greece's most widely read daily newspapers. The analysis brings insight into the media's sociopolitical role, its position regarding the citizenry and the state, and Turkey's importance as an external agent that reinforces the Greeks' in-group cohesion. Considering Aristotelian topoi to approach CDA, the analysis indicates that the Greek media's narrative on the Turkey-Libya settlement frames (i) Turkey as a threatening 'other,' (ii) portrays Greece as the referent object, and (iii) rejects the validity of such a settlement under international law, reinforcing the previous two points.Show less
Dit BA-eindwerkstuk gaat over de framing van zwarte en witte vrouwelijke atleten in verschillende Nederlandse kranten. De hoofdvraag die centraal staat is: In hoeverre worden zwarte en witte...Show moreDit BA-eindwerkstuk gaat over de framing van zwarte en witte vrouwelijke atleten in verschillende Nederlandse kranten. De hoofdvraag die centraal staat is: In hoeverre worden zwarte en witte vrouwelijke atleten verschillend geframed in Nederlandse kranten?. De kranten waarvoor de framing bekeken wordt, zijn de Volkskrant, het Algemeen Dagblad (AD) en De Telegraaf. Er is voor deze kranten gekozen omdat ze van oudsher verschillen op ideologisch gebied; de Volkskrant kan links op het politieke spectrum geplaats worden; het AD midden; en De Telegraaf rechts. In totaal zijn er 10 artikelen van elke krant meegenomen. Het corpus heeft dus in totaal een grootte van 30 artikelen waarvan de artikelen verspreid waren over de jaren van 2013 tot en met 2019. De framing voor de twee atleetgroepen is onderzocht aan de hand van een aangepaste versie van de (kwalitatieve en kwantitatieve) methode van Van Gorp (2007). Voor het analyseren is er een inductieve en deductieve fase doorlopen waarbij de frames gereconstrueerd en gecontroleerd werden. Uit de framingsanalyse bleek dat er in totaal 13 frames gereconstrueerd konden worden. Daarvan werden twee frames voor beide atleetgroepen gebruikt: het metamorfose- en het doorzettersframe. Er konden echter ook frames gereconstrueerd worden die exclusief voor een van de twee atleetgroepen gebruikt werden. Voor de zwarte vrouwelijke atleten waren dit het wonder-, diva- en krachtpasterframe en voor de witte vrouwelijke atleten het underdog-, zwoeger-, en work-in-progressframe. De drie kranten verschilden niet sterk in het gebruik van de verschillende frames. Bij het reconstrueren van de frames zijn ook nog een aantal sport- en atleet-specifieke beschrijvingen naar boven gekomen. Voor atletiek betrof het beschrijvingen met snelheid, voor boksen ging het om stoten; voor turnen het benoemen van de lengte. Simone Biles werd consequent kort genoemd; Kiki Bertens als iemand die niet mentaal sterk is en Shelly-Ann Fraser-Pryce als iemand die in de schaduw van anderen staat.Show less
This research has the goal to uncover the effects of framing on the attitude of EU citizens and residents towards climate-induced migration (CIM). Based on survey research, this experimental study...Show moreThis research has the goal to uncover the effects of framing on the attitude of EU citizens and residents towards climate-induced migration (CIM). Based on survey research, this experimental study investigates how different framings of an average family from Mozambique moving to the EU because of environmental catastrophes impacts respondents’ attitudes towards their acceptance in the EU. More precisely, it studies the effects of the human rights, and safety and security frames. As an introduction to this study, I provide a literature review to define climate-induced migration, reveal existing framings of this specific type of migration and study which characteristics of migrants influence attitudes and in what ways. This is followed by an explanation of the survey and research designs. I then analyze the data collected thanks to the survey before concluding and discussing the findings and limitations of the study. This research uncovers that framing has no effect on EU citizens’ and residents’ attitude towards climate-induced migration.Show less
While examining the persistence of partition in ethno-nationally divided polities ranging from the Balkans to the Middle East, the two competing logics of partition literature (ethnic spoils;...Show moreWhile examining the persistence of partition in ethno-nationally divided polities ranging from the Balkans to the Middle East, the two competing logics of partition literature (ethnic spoils; ethnic security dilemma) are limited by their sole focus on military/security or economic factors. To overcome such a theoretical limitation, this qualitative study, which employs a Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA), offers an interpretative account of the discursive elements of enduring partition through an investigation of the rhetoric of Greek-Cypriot elites regarding the presence of Turkish settlers/migrants in Northern Cyprus. Previous research on the “settler problem” emphasizes that it is a question of demographics in both public and elite discourse(s). In contrast, by utilizing the middle-way approach to native-settler relations and the Agambenian state of emergency to explain the generative role of partition and its influence on the rhetoric of elite figures, this study finds that, from 2004 (t = 0) to 2017 (t = 1), Greek-Cypriot elites combined the discursive strategies of demographic imbalance, securitization, and racialization to frame the supposed “settler problem”. This discursive inquiry that probes a purposive sample of primary and secondary textual sources (N = 60) provides a new window into the role of enduring partition in generating the discourse of political elites and counters monolithic understandings regarding the presence of Turkish settlers/migrants. Therefore, providing a framework for future studies that aim to understand the influence of partition on the rhetoric of “native” elites about “non-native” groups both in the island of Cyprus and in other socio-politically divided societies.Show less
Master thesis | Classics and Ancient Civilizations (MA)
closed access
Migration is timeless: people leave their native country with different motives to settle themselves elsewhere. Scenes that unfold from such events have occasionally been taken to the stage in the...Show moreMigration is timeless: people leave their native country with different motives to settle themselves elsewhere. Scenes that unfold from such events have occasionally been taken to the stage in the genre of Greek tragedy, in the so-called ‘suppliant tragedies’. In such tragedies, the acceptance of newcomers is discussed in terms of ἱκετεία and ξενία, two social institutions of ritual acts through which ancient Greeks could accept newcomers in their social community. Yet, both social institutions evoke different associations in regard to the people involved in the acceptance of a newcomer. In order to understand this combination of both social institutions in Greek tragedy, I would like to analyse it as a means of framing. This thesis, then, investigates the ways in which the arrival and acceptance of newcomers is framed in the following Greek suppliant tragedies: Aeschylus’ Supplices, Sophocles’ Oedipus Coloneus and Euripides’ Heraclidae and Supplices.Show less
