The purpose of this study is to examine how the role of women in the socio-economic sphere has changed and/or remained the same in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) before and after the Second...Show moreThe purpose of this study is to examine how the role of women in the socio-economic sphere has changed and/or remained the same in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) before and after the Second Congo War, which lasted from 1998 to 2003. The expansion of globalization, as well as the end of wars, has changed social structures within society and in particular created different opportunities for women in political, social and economic processes compared to before. Through the use of qualitative research, the study explores the role of women and the challenges that continue to hinder their socio-economic participation to this day. The study contends that social norms continue to hinder the role women are able to have in the DRC as the idealized femininity continues to be defined by mothering, caring and providing for the children and being subordinate. Women continue to be largely the backbone of the agricultural sector, present in the informal sector as well as the primary caregivers. But, due to the war, as well as globalization and technological development, their roles have expanded to sectors and industries such as the artisanal mining industry, the information and communications technology (ICTs) and telecommunications. Furthermore, due to there being stigmatization surrounding rape, legal barriers, education gender inequalities and lack of access to land, the role of women remains hindered and restricted. Further research is needed to understand these gender norms, relations and the role of women in the DRC as gender roles remain fluid and can change over time.Show less
Concerning transitional justice, the turn towards advocating for localized action and gendered analysis has engendered a focus on female agency. In documentary film studies, a similar pattern...Show moreConcerning transitional justice, the turn towards advocating for localized action and gendered analysis has engendered a focus on female agency. In documentary film studies, a similar pattern emerges: over time, scholars have started to question prevailing representations of women, and to celebrate well-rounded, agentive representations. This thesis, which analyzes representations of female agency and victimhood in documentaries concerning sexual violence during the Yugoslav Wars, utilizes an interdisciplinary approach which draws from both of these fields. It incorporates the aesthetic analytical tools provided by documentary film scholars to analyze Sexual Violence and the Triumph of Justice (2012) and Mission Rape - a Tool of War (2014), while keeping as its main focus the gendered agency framework created by Björkdahl and Mannergren Selimović. Thus, it marries the two disciplines to provide a thorough understanding of prominent issues in transitional justice. This concerns both how transitional justice is practiced and how this practice is portrayed to the public by challengers and proponents of the prominent methods in the transitional justice space. I hope to contribute to knowledge in both fields, and to demonstrate how well-rounded and agentive representations of women’s agency can challenge the traditional narrative of passivity and victimization of women in conflict-zones.Show less
This thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the (pre)colonial era, and the BDP (Botswana Democratic Party) and ZANU(PF) (Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front) in the late colonial and postcolonial period, to identify what particularities in Botswana’s and Zimbabwe’s historical trajectories explain the divergence between the stance of BDP and ZANU(PF) leadership on the decriminalization of same-sex relations (SSR). The Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana started with a similar outlook on SSR, and in both countries, the British colonial administration imposed penal codes that criminalize(d) SSR. Yet, while BDP leadership grew gradually more supportive of the eventual decriminalization of SSR in 2019, ZANU(PF) leadership has strongly opposed to repealing the colonial-era penal codes. The different (de)colonization process and degree of colonial domination in each country appear to have the strongest explanatory power for these diverging outcomes. Many scholars have linked homophobia to masculinity and patriarchy. At the same time, colonial rule is widely believed to have undermined African masculinities and destabilized existing gender roles, and scholars have argued that misogyny, hyper-masculinity, and homophobia in African nationalist movements can be seen as a reaction to feelings of emasculation among African men. Colonial rule was significantly less invasive in Botswana, and the transition to independence mostly peaceful. Resultantly, there was no strong feeling of colonial domination among Botswanans, and anti-(neo)colonial rhetoric had little value as a source of political support. Thus, homosexuality never became conflated with (neo)colonialism in BDP nationalism, because it never centered on anti-(neo)colonialism to begin with. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s invasive colonial experience and arduous independence struggle created a strong sense of colonial domination among male independence leaders, who experienced it as ‘emasculation,’ and used misogyny and homophobia in attempt to restore a position of patriarchal power. At the same time, the rejection of homosexuality became a way to challenge colonial narratives about African sexuality and masculinity that were used to justify their abasement. Resultantly, the conflation of emasculation and homosexuality with colonial subjugation featured prominently in ZANU(PF)’s anti-colonial nationalism. The influence of Fanonesque and Marxist-Leninist thought further deepened homophobic sentiments in ZANU(PF) nationalism, while these schools of thought were absent from BDP nationalism. There is also scholarly consensus that European missionaries played an active role in codifying homosexuality as ‘immoral’ in Africa, and scholars argue that as Christianity became heavily politicized in the region, so did homosexuality. In that sense, homophobia, much like Christianity, is a political tool in contemporary Africa. Limited imposition of colonial rule and Tswana-controlled integration of Christianity may have further limited the inculcation of European (missionary) notions of sexuality and immorality in BDP nationalism. Moreover, unlike BDP nationalism, ZANU(PF) nationalism was organized around anti-colonialism, and this social glue lost its power once independence was achieved. This necessitated the creation of a new common enemy, while socioeconomic underperformance and declining public support incentivized the creation of a scapegoat to deflect criticism. Political homophobia became part of the creation of this new common enemy and scapegoat, and gained its legitimacy from Zimbabwe’s (de)colonization experience. With steady economic development and widespread public support after independence, there was less of an incentive for the BDP to use sexual minorities as a scapegoat.Show less
Analysis of the imagery on the covers of the Soviet women's magazine Rabotnitsa and a comparison to the societal trends of the given period (1960-1985) concerning the reprivatising of women's lives...Show moreAnalysis of the imagery on the covers of the Soviet women's magazine Rabotnitsa and a comparison to the societal trends of the given period (1960-1985) concerning the reprivatising of women's lives and the double burden.Show less
“Gender studies has mostly concentrated on femininity in issues of patriarchal power. Men’s studies are an emerging field that take feminist scholarship and adds a new viewpoint to it by looking at...Show more“Gender studies has mostly concentrated on femininity in issues of patriarchal power. Men’s studies are an emerging field that take feminist scholarship and adds a new viewpoint to it by looking at the social structure around males. This article defines hegemonic and marginalized masculinities in Egypt and seeks to map out the influence the state has on creation, reproduction, and manipulation of these concepts. Rising from the context of neoliberal reforms, the security state is discriminating against a certain part of the population, especially working-class young men. They feel emasculated by the state authorities, while simultaneously manipulated into conforming to the hegemonic masculinity that the state promotes. Looking at the influence of the Egyptian security state on gender dynamics opens up a possibility to place gender topics into the wider understanding of the significant global patterns.”Show less
Through case study research centered on women as the subject, this thesis illustrates the complex questions arising between forced migration, state failure, criminal organizations, and gender-based...Show moreThrough case study research centered on women as the subject, this thesis illustrates the complex questions arising between forced migration, state failure, criminal organizations, and gender-based violence, aiming at providing an insight into the dynamics of female mobility through a gendered security analysis method. The research is focused on the two main perpetrators of violence against women, the state and the organized crime, which mutually activate each other, creating a complex landscape of analysis. Both socio-economic conditions, as well as the state of violence, are analyzed in order to draw a conclusion on the underlying aspects of female mobility from the region. The women are analyzed as independent females in NTCA societies as well as within their role as mothers.Show less
In the aftermath of a disaster, women’s suffering is often compounded in the face of increased vulnerabilities to physical and mental illness, unsafe temporary living conditions, and the many...Show moreIn the aftermath of a disaster, women’s suffering is often compounded in the face of increased vulnerabilities to physical and mental illness, unsafe temporary living conditions, and the many instances in which women’s opinions, requests, and capabilities are ignored. This thesis discusses gender inequality within post-disaster management in Japan, with a focus on the 2011 Triple Disaster which consisted of an earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear meltdown within the Tohoku region. The framework of gender within public health and post-disaster management is used to examine women’s experiences in the response and recovery phases of the Triple Disaster as seen through film and academic literature. This paper argues that the role of women in the aftermath of the disaster reflected and reinforced gender inequality in Japanese society. The inadequate living conditions for women in emergency shelters, the silencing of women’s voices after the Fukushima nuclear meltdown, and the distinct lack of female participation in disaster management all give credence to the notion that the gender dimension of disasters was and continues to be significantly overlooked. It is evident that the gender issues present in the aftermath of the 2011 disaster are part of larger societal structures not only in Japan but also in the wider field of public health.Show less
Since the 1960s there has been a rise in the United States in anti-abortion proponents, and adherence to the ‘traditional family values’ movement. Anti-abortion organisations are politically...Show moreSince the 1960s there has been a rise in the United States in anti-abortion proponents, and adherence to the ‘traditional family values’ movement. Anti-abortion organisations are politically organised on gender categories and rely on these categories in order to make their arguments. A look into how these groups present themselves as a political identity, and present women as a political identity is explored in this paper. This paper presents a discourse analysis on the construction of womanhood by three anti-abortion groups: Concerned Women for America (CWA), the Elliot Institute, and Feminists for Life (FFL). The findings of the analysis demonstrate that these groups present a biological reductionist image of women that reifies the existing social categories of women and their relationship with motherhood.Show less
This thesis explores whether and to what extends Chino’s kara-yamato binary structure in traditional Japanese art history can fit into Japanese art in modern time periods, and what would be the...Show moreThis thesis explores whether and to what extends Chino’s kara-yamato binary structure in traditional Japanese art history can fit into Japanese art in modern time periods, and what would be the reason behind. It does so by analysing different artworks in the Meiji period, the early Taisho period and the contemporary period, and applying Chino's structure onto these artworks. In doing so, it extends the context of the structure further and tries to discover if new understandings of the structure can be added to the academic debate. The result of the analysis suggests that whether or not Chino’s structure can be applied onto certain contexts highly depends on Japan’s view towards the West in that context. The structure can fit better in earlier periods, and does not fit in more modern periods. Such change in the applicability of Chino's structure is influenced by Japan's cultural relation with the West throughout its modern history. It suggests that Japan has moved from the status of seeing itself in the cultural periphery in relation to the West, to taking more proactive role to challenge social inequalities and (re)construct cultural identities.Show less
Community-based Eco-tourism (CBET) has been promoted as a model that can reconcile sustainable development and environmental conservation, and ultimately empower local populations. However, how...Show moreCommunity-based Eco-tourism (CBET) has been promoted as a model that can reconcile sustainable development and environmental conservation, and ultimately empower local populations. However, how this empowerment is achieved in particular among women is still largely debated given the gender norms in which these models are embedded. By focusing on Costa Rica as a case study, and drawing on an array of empirical evidence collated through desk research, this dissertation examines the role and participation of women in CBET initiatives; seeking to understand how women have been empowered through such models, and what the underlying factors that can promote or inhibit this. This study highlights that while the participation of women in CBET has been largely confined to the domestic spheres and underpinned by gender-defined activities, such opportunities are important in kick-starting and fomenting an initial process of empowerment that can be positively attributed to these schemes. Such changes are an initial stage of empowerment that can certainly ripple to other spheres and ultimately empower women.Show less
This thesis explores gender roles in contemporary South Korean society through their representation in television melodrama. The thesis argues that the opinions held by the society are not apparent...Show moreThis thesis explores gender roles in contemporary South Korean society through their representation in television melodrama. The thesis argues that the opinions held by the society are not apparent in the conservative societal practices. This is explored through survey data collected by Statistics Korea. It also argues that popular media such as television melodrama should represent rather the held opinions than the held practices in order to further the adoption of less conservative practices. The study of Wang’s Family shows that this is not the case. Concentrating on the gendered division of labor, the textual analysis of Wang’s Family shows that it represents the practices not the opinions. This shows that there is still work to be done in closing the gap between opinions and practices in the society regarding the gendered division of labor. Wang’s Family also represents other forms of gender roles that still persist in the society.Show less
This thesis examined whether gender-based stereotypes played a role in the campaigns of female candidates who were running for a seat in the Senate of the State Florida in the years 2012 and 2014....Show moreThis thesis examined whether gender-based stereotypes played a role in the campaigns of female candidates who were running for a seat in the Senate of the State Florida in the years 2012 and 2014. It argues that gender-based stereotypes did not play a role in the campaigns of the female candidates. The female candidates did not campaign differently from the male candidates.Show less
