This paper makes a comparative case analysis between the independent status-seeking foreign policies of Gaullist France and Erdoğanist Turkey to provide a novel theoretical framework for...Show moreThis paper makes a comparative case analysis between the independent status-seeking foreign policies of Gaullist France and Erdoğanist Turkey to provide a novel theoretical framework for understanding the struggle for status within multilateral alliances. Using theories related to the role of “status” and “national role conceptions” in international relations, it analyzes how status-seeking foreign policies aimed at asserting French and Turkish great power status, led France and Turkey to clash with the Atlantic bloc’s hegemon – the United States – which attempted to curb their ambitions to protect its own status, leading both France and Turkey to adopt more confrontational status-seeking strategies, which affected their position within the Atlantic bloc and turned them into “rogue members”. Based on this comparison, this paper posits a “rogue member theory” that can help analyze the struggle for status within multilateral alliances between aspiring great powers and the alliance’s hegemonic state.Show less
This thesis conducts a comparative case study analysis of the differing strategies of Rwanda and Uganda in managing conflict minerals from the Democratic Republic of Congo, with the objective to...Show moreThis thesis conducts a comparative case study analysis of the differing strategies of Rwanda and Uganda in managing conflict minerals from the Democratic Republic of Congo, with the objective to contribute to a nuanced understanding of power dynamics and security imperatives in the African Great Lakes Region. By applying a realist theoretical International Relations framework, this study analyses how the respective strategies of Rwanda and Uganda reflect their economic, security, and geopolitical interests, as well as the implications for regional stability. The methodology of this thesis relies on a systematic document analysis of UNSC Group of Experts reports, complemented with research reports by NGOs and think tanks. This thesis reveals that Rwanda's policies combine centralised and confrontational strategies with its historical security narrative, whereas Uganda's policies focus on maintaining entrenched smuggling networks and strategic use of minerals to boost its economy and regional significance. The comparative analysis illustrates how both countries use conflict minerals to enhance their geopolitical position in the region, thereby contributing to regional instability and a security dilemma.Show less
In recent years, the Japanese anime industry has undergone a remarkable transformation in the academic world. In the past two decades, Japanese anime has evolved into a commercial success genre, as...Show moreIn recent years, the Japanese anime industry has undergone a remarkable transformation in the academic world. In the past two decades, Japanese anime has evolved into a commercial success genre, as it has allowed for films like Japanese director Makoto Shinkai's Kimi no Na Wa (2016) and Tenki no Ko (2019) to gain global recognition and breathe new life into the Japanese animated film industry. Thus, anime has become a cultural export of reflecting the unique perspectives and values of its creators and audiences worldwide. This research aims to explore how anime, specifically the two films mentioned above, portrays natural disasters and phenomena under the greater context of the Anthropocene. By examining the portrayal of the human-nature relationship, this investigation provides novel insights into the field of anime studies, specifically that of Shinkai. In particular, the thesis focuses on the themes of body and technology, offering an analysis that delves into the mesmerizing world interwoven with profound ideals depicted in Shinkai's works.Show less
In order to identify why the British government continues their support for the Saudi military operations in the Yemen War, this research focuses on three major British policy areas: (geo)politics,...Show moreIn order to identify why the British government continues their support for the Saudi military operations in the Yemen War, this research focuses on three major British policy areas: (geo)politics, security, and economics. British geopolitical interests in backing the Saudi military operations in Yemen focus on expanding their own regional influence in the Middle East. British relations with Iran influences the British strategy towards the Yemen War, as this was is perceived to be a proxy war between Iran and Saudi Arabia, in which the UK engages in substitution warfare to counteract the enlargement of the Iranian sphere of influence. Further security interest of the UK to continue their support for Saudi Arabia in Yemen is to counteract the terrorist presence of the AQAP in Yemen, which fits into a wider trend of British counterterrorism policy. Furthermore, British arms sales to the Saudi army play a role in British security as well as economic interests in the Yemen War. The contested British arms sales to Saudi are continued both to strengthen the Saudi military power and to benefit from the lucrative military arms market. Lastly, this research discusses the influence of the oil market on the British determination to continue their support for Saudi Arabia in the Yemen War, relating to energy security facilitated by Saudi oil.Show less
In a political landscape where traditional state expansion is increasingly more challenging to achieve, great powers seek expansion at the physical and metaphysical boundaries of the world instead....Show moreIn a political landscape where traditional state expansion is increasingly more challenging to achieve, great powers seek expansion at the physical and metaphysical boundaries of the world instead. Seen from the theoretical perspective of knowledge as a power-increasing commodity, the melting Arctic becomes a site of non-violent power struggle through scientific, economic and political means. This paper observes China's increasing role in the region through these avenues as it seeks to influence Arctic governance, despite not being an Arctic state. In addition to a general overview, a case study of Chinese state and non-state actors' activities in Norway's Arctic region seeks to further illustrate the ties between science, economics, and politics in the Arctic political landscape. Through a qualitative examination of secondary and primary sources, the paper concludes that the mutually beneficial ties between knowledge production and market expansion in the Arctic have the potential to aid a non-Arctic great power such as China in achieving political influence in the region.Show less
As diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of...Show moreAs diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of war. In 2013, president Vladimir Putin declared the Russian Federation “a defender of traditional conservative values against what it considers an assault of genderless and fruitless so-called tolerance” (Ragozin 2013). Russia is thus making an effort to lead by example in disapproving of non-traditional sexual orientations, and offering an alternative to Western liberalism. One of the most visible components of this 'traditional values' alternative, is a collection of implicit anti-LGBT laws imposed in Russia since 2013, which some scholars have labelled as a form of non-Western soft power. This thesis builds on that literature and assesses to what extent Russia has been successful in using its anti-LGBT Traditional Values discourse and policies as a foreign policy tool.Show less
Due to their geographic proximity, the Gulf and the Horn of Africa share a long history of economic, political and cultural ties. Recent years, however, have seen an unprecedented increase in the...Show moreDue to their geographic proximity, the Gulf and the Horn of Africa share a long history of economic, political and cultural ties. Recent years, however, have seen an unprecedented increase in the presence of Gulf actors in the Horn, accelerated by the Gulf-internal rivalry between Qatar on one side and the remaining members of the Gulf Cooperation Council on the other. With the help of the theoretical framework of Regional Security Complexes and the Spillover Effect, as well as process tracing methods, two country case studies examine how Gulf engagement, in particular the rivalry between Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, further destabilizes an already fragile region: In Somalia, the tensions between core and periphery have been exacerbated as a result of Qatar backing the central government in Mogadishu and the UAE supporting the federal states. In Sudan, the complicated transition process is prolonged as a result of Gulf powers pursuing opposing agendas in the post-Bashir political environment.Show less
Africa has become an important point in the Russian foreign policy agenda, which has not been the case since three decades ago. This thesis will examine the reinvented Russian foreign policy...Show moreAfrica has become an important point in the Russian foreign policy agenda, which has not been the case since three decades ago. This thesis will examine the reinvented Russian foreign policy interest in the African continent and explain this by looking at geopolitical influence, arguing that Russia’s geopolitical interest can be explained by the Great power competition with the United States and China, and furthermore discussing how isolation from relations with the West have had effect on increasing relations with Africa. Looking at military influence, it will argue that Russian arms trade to African states can be seen as an incentive to keep states unstable to increase arms trade. Last, this thesis will argue that there is much opportunity for economic trade in minerals and energy and examine how Russia is making use of the opportunity. Analyzing these different spheres show a trend, Russian state affiliated companies, which are not concerned with human rights and democracy protection are doing the dirty work for the Russian state and thereby taking the accountability away from the state.Show less
This thesis analyzes China’s mediation efforts in the Yemeni conflict, and in particular the rationales behind Beijing’s approach. The analysis addresses the following question: how do China’s...Show moreThis thesis analyzes China’s mediation efforts in the Yemeni conflict, and in particular the rationales behind Beijing’s approach. The analysis addresses the following question: how do China’s geoeconomic and geopolitical interests influence its approach to mediation efforts in Yemen? This question is tackled from two distinct but interrelated standpoints: from a geoeconomic perspective, the focus is on China’s interest in the shipping lines running through the Bab al-Mandeb strait; from a geopolitical perspective, the emphasis is on Beijing’s interest in balancing between Saudi Arabia an Iran when getting involved in the Yemeni conflict. The thesis relies on both qualitative and quantitative data, which is analyzed through the tool of process tracing. The analysis reveals that both geoeconomic and geopolitical interests have played a significant role in shaping China’s mediation efforts. Drawing on theoretical insights concerning the relation between geoeconomic and geopolitics, this thesis argues that geoeconomic interests should be considered as a major determinant of China’s mediation approach, due to the fact that geoeconomic interests are important determinants of geopolitical ones. An in-depth understanding of the rationales behind China’s mediation efforts in Yemen bears significance for broader debates on China’s increasing presence in the Middle East, especially in the times of the Belt and Road Initiative. The Asian Century is set to begin, and a thorough understanding of the rationales behind China’s policies would be a welcome development for academics and policymakers alike. Show less
This research examines the causes behind the emergence of border conflicts in Venezuela. One of the main objectives is to demonstrate that an internal crisis externalises itself in the shape of...Show moreThis research examines the causes behind the emergence of border conflicts in Venezuela. One of the main objectives is to demonstrate that an internal crisis externalises itself in the shape of territorial disputes. Venezuela´s case is tested against other relatively recent border conflicts in South America. This thesis proves the influence of internal crisis and historical precedents on the emergence of border conflicts, and adds value to the existing literature by examining causes instead of consequences.Show less
This thesis aims at analysing the foreign policy paradigm shift that happened in India in the post-liberalisation period, by focusing on the transformation of the non-alignment strategy towards a...Show moreThis thesis aims at analysing the foreign policy paradigm shift that happened in India in the post-liberalisation period, by focusing on the transformation of the non-alignment strategy towards a multi-alignment strategy in order for India to preserve and further its economic interests, but also its maritime and energy security through various strategic partnerships and joint military action with the example of the Look East/Act East Policy, or the Indo-US nuclear deal.Show less
