Despite widespread public concern and scientific consensus about the ecological crisis, current efforts to curb global emissions are falling short. National and international efforts are permeated...Show moreDespite widespread public concern and scientific consensus about the ecological crisis, current efforts to curb global emissions are falling short. National and international efforts are permeated by a lack of ambition and urgency. Psychosocial scholars have argued that this reflects a state of ecoparalysis, a result of ecoanxiety and fear of ecological destruction. However, this thesis argues that the ecological crisis and our responses to it cannot be seen in isolation from the hegemony of capitalism. Capitalism’s need for unlimited growth drives the ecological crisis. Under the current stage of capitalism, neoliberal rationality permeates our every interaction, neoliberal logics govern every sphere of life, and becomes common-sense. This thesis explores how this influences our responses to the ecological crisis. It argues that the hegemony of capitalism distorts reality in such a way that capitalism becomes what is real, and as a consequence we cannot conceive of ourselves or of the world outside of capitalism. This fosters an inability to see alternatives, thus, preventing us from collectively and meaningfully responding to the ecological crisis.Show less
This thesis explores four games and their relation with dominant perspectives on their histories: The Elder Scrolls V: Skyrim, Nioh, Assassin’s Creed: Valhalla, and Kingdom Come: Deliverance....Show moreThis thesis explores four games and their relation with dominant perspectives on their histories: The Elder Scrolls V: Skyrim, Nioh, Assassin’s Creed: Valhalla, and Kingdom Come: Deliverance. Through historical simulation theory and theories on hegemonies, it argues that historical games are inherently political. This thesis further argues that historical games can portray conservative frames of thought, through unchanging systems and a focus on individualism. The artistic liberties these games take can lead to both playful and harmless counter-hegemonic play, as well as harmful play that reinforces frames of thought such as conspiracy theories. Furthermore, this thesis argues that claims of realism and accuracy within the genre of historical games are folly, as historical truths are almost impossible to verify. These truths are then left to the interpretation of game developers, which can lead to problematic presentations of history that can even be accused of whitewashing. The comparison between the games will suggest that one constant factor between them is that of an ahistorical protagonist, which gives the player freedom to explore the presented history without being tied to perceived accuracy. Finally, definitions of simulation theory are not yet sufficient enough to explain how Assassin’s Creed: Valhalla simulates its history. This thesis adds to the field of game studies in a few ways. Not many comparative studies have been done in this field, as most papers and online videos focus on a single game. The comparisons lead to broader theories on historical games as a whole, noting similarities and unique errors when it comes to different approaches of historical simulation. Finally, an added definition of historical simulation is proposed, including linearity in an already existing definition of (non-)specific simulation.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
Freshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between...Show moreFreshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between multiple countries. Despite multiple predictions by scholars and experts, states often do not go to war over freshwater. Instead, most disputes end in the signing of a treaty. However, these treaties are not always fair and do not, actually, always end conflict. In the view of this research, treaties are merely a way in which states fight, without using violence, and should thus be seen as a part of ongoing conflict, rather than the end of it. In addition, despite theoretical predictions, international organisations do not play a large role in the creation of River Basin Organisations and neither do hydrohegemons.Show less
This thesis aims to examine the various discursive approaches utilised by development organisations which work to ameliorate the status of women both globally and locally. In particular, the thesis...Show moreThis thesis aims to examine the various discursive approaches utilised by development organisations which work to ameliorate the status of women both globally and locally. In particular, the thesis compares the discourse analyses of international development organisations and Moroccan women's NGOs in order to identify recurrent terminologies and discrepancies in their construction of a feminist narrative. The results of the discourse analyses allow to further focus on the link between discourse, gender and hegemony by assessing whether the comparison demonstrates the presence of a prevailing feminist discourse on an ideological and linguistic level. In fact, the initial influence of international organisations in the development of Moroccan women’s NGOs has caused the presence of analogous nodal points definable as the transnational feminist language. Nevertheless, through the reformulation of the transnational language, the use of locally bounded nodal points, as well as through the unuse of the notion of empowerment Moroccan women’s NGOs have developed an independent and flexible strategy in constructing their feminist narrative which is increasingly overcoming the international tendency of hegemonizing the feminist discourse. Moreover, the semantic individuality elaborated by Moroccan women’s NGOs can be crucial to increase the participation of the principal receivers of their projects: hence, Moroccan women.Show less
In 2004, China’s foreign policy appeared to enter a relatively expansive phase. The Chinese President, Hu Jintao, began to confidently make proclamations for a new world order, China's bilateral...Show moreIn 2004, China’s foreign policy appeared to enter a relatively expansive phase. The Chinese President, Hu Jintao, began to confidently make proclamations for a new world order, China's bilateral aid activities increased exponentially and China began to assert itself in international organisations. The change in China’s foreign policy would appear intuitively consistent with the activities of any country that has achieved the economic growth that China has. However, upon closer examination, China’s foreign policy not only displays consistencies with principles that have been prevalent in Chinese society since ancient times, but also appear to de-legitimise the hegemonic position of the United States in a number of cases. In essence, it would appear as if China has made the decision to bring about a transformation in international norms to better suit its identity, particularly in light of the diminishing influence of the US.Show less
Despite economic progress, Mexico is commonly illustrated by mainstream US media and many politicians in terms of extreme brutality of Mexican drug cartels. It further juxtaposes vicious cartels...Show moreDespite economic progress, Mexico is commonly illustrated by mainstream US media and many politicians in terms of extreme brutality of Mexican drug cartels. It further juxtaposes vicious cartels against the virtuous United States, which has devoted billions of dollars to fighting organized crime in Mexico. However, the mainstream account is misleading; the United States has also used its aid programs to strengthen its hegemony over Mexico. This paper argues that the United States’ involvement in the Mexican War on Drugs has been to a significant degree motivated by political and economic interests, whose advancement strengthens US hegemony over Mexico, and which have also helped exacerbate the drug-related violence. Implicit interferences of the United States in Mexico have been legitimized through discourses of Mexican racial inferiority, criminality, and vice. This thesis looks at three broad areas - culture, politics, and economics - and tries to elucidate US interests in respect to the Mexican War on Drugs.Show less
On March 24, 1999, NATO launched Operation Allied Force, a bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in response to ongoing hostilities in Kosovo. US President Bill Clinton...Show moreOn March 24, 1999, NATO launched Operation Allied Force, a bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in response to ongoing hostilities in Kosovo. US President Bill Clinton proudly called the intervention in Kosovo 'the first ever humanitarian war.'1 Others condemned the war, arguing that it was illegal and that NATO was acting on its own interests rather than on humanitarian motives. So why did NATO really intervene in Kosovo? This thesis draws on constructivist and Gramscian theory to explain why NATO intervened in Kosovo, and to shed light on the most salient issue: the relationship between and the relative importance of humanitarian values and strategic interests. Constructivists believe that state identities and interests are not given, instead, they are socially constructed. Interests are not only defined by material facts but also by social facts, like norms and ideas. Therefore, foreign policy decision making is more about defining national interests than about defending them. A constructivist analysis of the Clinton administration's decision to intervene in Kosovo reveals that this decision was shaped by social facts, like shared notions about the grounds on which it is legitimate to carry out a military intervention, and norms of behaviour, like human rights. These perceptions were shaped by social and cultural factors, like the memory of the two World Wars, the national trauma of the Vietnam war, previous wars in the Balkans and the Weinberger doctrine. An analysis of Clinton's rhetoric on Kosovo reveals that he was expanding previous understandings of what constitutes the national interest to include standing up to human rights abuses. In this sense, he was advancing humanitarian norms as a cause for action. These norms did not only influence the way in which the war was presented and defended, but also the way it was fought. The constructivist perspective therefore attaches great causal significance to norms and ideas. The neo-Gramscian school in international relations draws on the work of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, particularly the concept of hegemony. According to Gramsci, the hegemony of the bourgeoisie was not just based on coercive power, but also on their ability to construct a broad cultural and ideological consensus. A state can become hegemonic by constructing a world order which most other states accept or perceive to be in their interest. In the end, however, this order primarily exists to serve the interests of the elites. From this perspective, the notion of universal human rights is one element of a global civil society which is marked by a growing consensus on morals, values and rights. The end of the Cold War brought about an international order based on liberal values like democracy, free trade and human rights. Though not a complete hegemony, this world order certainly had hegemonic elements. Milosevic's actions in Kosovo were a transgression against these values. From this perspective, the war over Kosovo was essentially an international police mission, designed to punish Milosevic's deviation from international norms. The military component was supported by international institutions, like the UN Security Council, which, though it stopped short of endorsing the intervention, also failed to oppose it, and the IMF and the EU, which has already begun making plans for the reconstruction of Kosovo and the economic future of the region before the bombs had stopped falling. International civil society, represented by NGOs and the media, also played their part by promoting humanitarian values and calling attention to the humanitarian crisis in Kosovo. The extent of this hegemony is demonstrated by the failure of opposing states like Russia and China to mount an effective counter-hegemony. For constructivists, then, the decision to intervene in Kosovo reflected changing perceptions of the national interest and foreign policy priorities. Clinton claimed to act in the national interest, and undoubtedly believed this himself, but his perception of the national interest was not necessarily based on objective facts. It was shaped by historical experiences, considerations of legitimacy and shared understandings about human rights. Clinton acted as a norm entrepreneur by advancing the notion that it is legitimate to use armed force against a sovereign state to stand up to human rights abuses. Gramscians would agree with the constructivists that Kosovo represented a normative shift and that the war was fought to defend a set of values. However, the Gramscians do not take these norms and values at face value. Instead, they trace them back to the material interests of the elites. They draw attention to the striking coherence between Western military power, its ideology and international institutions. The constructivist and Gramscian perspectives have proven to be useful here because of their ability to go beyond a simple understanding of values and interests as binary opposites. It is all too easy to fall into the trap of depicting these two categories as mutually exclusive. The two theories disagree on the exact relationship between the two: constructivists believe that norms, values and ideas define interests, Gramscians believe that they ultimately serve interests. Another point of divergence is that constructivism emphasizes change while Gramscianism is more interested in continuity. From a constructivist perspective, state behavior is based on social facts which are, by nature, fluid and continually changing. For the Gramscians, the basic characteristics of the international order do not change, they continue to favour the strong over the weak. This brings out a weakness in Gramscian theory: it tends to place everything in a grand narrative about the dominance of the economic elites. When applying theory to a historical event, there is always the risk of adopting the facts to fit the preconceived notions that are present in the theoretical framework. Theory is valuable when applied critically, because it allows us to consider the facts from different viewpoints. If this analysis has succeeded in revealing different ways of looking at and thinking about the facts, then it has been a fruitful exercise.Show less
