The (hypothetical) deployment of Lethal Autonomous Weapons (LAWs) challenges the way in which we conceptualize moral responsibility. The emergence of LAWs have added an autonomously acting non...Show moreThe (hypothetical) deployment of Lethal Autonomous Weapons (LAWs) challenges the way in which we conceptualize moral responsibility. The emergence of LAWs have added an autonomously acting non-human entity to a moral responsibility framework which is inextricably linked to human nature and moral capacity, which LAWs neither have nor possess. This leaves open a responsibility gap in which it becomes unclear who exactly is responsible for the outcome of the decisions made by LAWs. Although several solutions have been proposed to solve the gap, such as the concept of meaningful control or role-specific responsibility, I find that they cannot sufficiently address the responsibility gap. The concept of meaningful human control is inadequate for the complex and chaotic environment of warfare, particularly when introducing powerful weapons that push the boundaries of human capability. While role-responsibility considers the collective nature of the military and the entire chain of command, it faces challenges in accounting for the problem of many hands and the emergent behavior of autonomous weapons that cannot be directly attributed to a specific part of the system or individual. Especially in a value-loaded and ethically charged environment such as war, where choices regarding life or death are a routine matter, there is no room for obscured responsibility. Without proper responsibility, one cannot justify the introduction of LAWs onto the battlefield.Show less
Thousands of migrants trying to enter the EU are subjected to illegal pushbacks at the hands of the border protection functions of individual EU states. (In)securitization theory suggests that...Show moreThousands of migrants trying to enter the EU are subjected to illegal pushbacks at the hands of the border protection functions of individual EU states. (In)securitization theory suggests that these illegal pushbacks warrant the need for political justification. Yet the primary current academic literature regarding the (in)securitization of migrants in the EU does not even recognize that the pushbacks are taking place. This research project first offers an altered conception of (in)securitization that can better account for the illegal practices taking place. This conception of (in)securitization emphasizes a process-centric approach to the concept’s application that focuses on both the actual (in)securitization attempts by actors and their motives, and the actual practices taken by border control agents. This is in contrast to the primary usage of (in)securitization that instead is restricted to establishing an abstractly conceived general (in)securitized context. Secondly, the reconceptualization is applied to the three cases where the most significant number of pushbacks are taking place; Romania, Hungary and Croatia. The project's findings suggest that (in)securitization theory must take a step back and align more closely with its original conception, that emphasized specific political motivations, to better capture the actual extraordinary practices that need political justification.Show less
Global environmental assessments assume an increasingly central role in international policymaking. Among them, the IPCC stands out as the authoritative voice of climate science. According to...Show moreGlobal environmental assessments assume an increasingly central role in international policymaking. Among them, the IPCC stands out as the authoritative voice of climate science. According to reputation theory, the maintenance of such a positive reputation requires the communication of organizational strengths to its audiences. The theory predicts patterns of emphasis and change over time, but has yet to be tested in this institutional setting. This thesis contributes to reputational theory through testing and extending its theoretical expectations to the case of the IPCC based on GEA literature. It quantitatively analyses the IPCC outputs and communication material over the course of 1994-2022, and qualitatively investigates the experience of IPCC leadership during that time. The results suggest that the IPCC becomes more reputationally aware over time, but does not diversify its legitimization strategies along hypothesized dimensions to the public - despite leadership commitment to those dimensions – but rather reinforces its technical image.Show less
The reforms of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman are already well established in the historiography, both domestically and externally. Nevertheless, the association of his reforms...Show moreThe reforms of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman are already well established in the historiography, both domestically and externally. Nevertheless, the association of his reforms with Mohammed bin Salman's need to demonstrate his ability to rule and his legitimacy to become King of Saudi Arabia in the future has received little attention. The thesis focuses primarily on Mohammed bin Salman's controversial rise to power within the Saudi family and his increased anti-Iranian foreign policy since his appointment as Defense Minister in 2015. The innovative character of the thesis is in the more precise analysis of this anti-Iranian policy by taking three case studies, respectively, the policy exercised by Mohammed bin Salman towards Iran but also Yemen and Qatar. The main argument is that he undertakes this more hostile foreign policy because he needs to show his ability to rule, his power in the region and especially his legitimacy to become future King of the Kingdom.Show less
Today, reputation management is of great importance to public regulators. As a positive reputation can be a stepping stone for regulatory legitimacy, public regulators increasingly attempt to...Show moreToday, reputation management is of great importance to public regulators. As a positive reputation can be a stepping stone for regulatory legitimacy, public regulators increasingly attempt to cultivate a positive reputational image in the eyes of their audiences. However, while an abundance of research has been conducted on the reputational dimensions emphasized by EU agencies, little investigation has been done on what reputational dimensions its audiences consider when they assess the reputation of these bodies. Therefore, with the use of Carpenter’s (2010) multidimensional reputational framework, this work examined what reputational dimensions are valued by different audiences of EU regulatory agencies, specifically that of the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA). It tested two competing expectations. One expectation supposed that different audiences value different reputational dimensions, while the other regarded that different audiences value the same dimension. To inform these two expectations, fourteen semi-structured interviews were performed with representatives of NGOs, businesses and industry associations, academic organizations, and national regulatory authorities (NRAs). In addition, a qualitative content analysis of the audiences’ policy reports directed towards EFSA was performed. From this, this work found that different audiences valued different reputational dimensions, which also lead to several contradictory demands among the audiences. In addition, it found that several causal mechanisms played a role in explaining these different emphases on reputational domains, such as the resources and the structure of the audiences’ organizations and their professional interests and roles. Finally, this work provides several theoretical, methodological, and policy-relevant implications that are of relevance to both researchers in the bureaucratic reputation literature as well as practitioners of reputation management working in regulatory settings.Show less
Illegal oil theft, also referred to as “huachicoleo”, constitutes one of the major policy issues today in Mexico. Although organized crime shapes the contemporary political landscape of the country...Show moreIllegal oil theft, also referred to as “huachicoleo”, constitutes one of the major policy issues today in Mexico. Although organized crime shapes the contemporary political landscape of the country, political science academia has largely failed to research crime and its impact on the state. This thesis particularly investigates the phenomenon of huachicoleo in Mexico and why it has become the new public priority. It draws upon academic contributions from cultural studies, criminology, sociology and political science to provide an alternative narrative about the conflict in Mexico. The thesis proposes that huachicoleo erodes the legitimacy of the Mexican state and poses a threat to the government as such. It emphasizes the agency of non-humans, i.e. the cultural power of oil and the symbolic value of the state-owned oil company PEMEX. Moreover, the thesis looks into the huachicolero subculture, which has developed around the activity of illegal oil theft and shares similarities with narcoculture. It demonstrates how “huachicultura” challenges the state’s legitimacy through its cultural artifacts and actively takes part in the on-going process of the social construction of legitimacy in Mexico. These findings suggest for future research to acknowledge the importance of material objects and non-human entities in conflict situations and how those engage with the human entity as a network of agency.Show less
The enhancement of the revolutionary ideology promoted by Hezbollah during the Arab Uprisings was challenged when in 2011 the protests began in the city of Deraa in Syria. Hezbollah’s support of...Show moreThe enhancement of the revolutionary ideology promoted by Hezbollah during the Arab Uprisings was challenged when in 2011 the protests began in the city of Deraa in Syria. Hezbollah’s support of the revolutionary nature and ideology of the opposition movements became an issue when the anti-government demonstrations began in Syria and the organization suddenly contradicted its previous posture by backing the regime.The Janus-faced behavior of the organization had an immediate negative impact on the image that Hezbollah had been building through a pragmatic and selective legitimation process. In this scenario, how does Hezbollah react to the challenges to the legitimacy of its organization?. In light of the aforementioned, this thesis will aim to analyze and identify the way in which Hezbollah justify the intervention in Syria to their support groups at the local, national and international level. This research focuses on Hezbollah’s creation of 4 meaning in the ideological discourse in order to justify their actions and preserve their legitimacy at three different levels of target audiences (communal, national, international) by developing diverse context models (van Dijk, 2006, 21) according to each audience’s particular interests.Show less
Fidel Castro’s leadership and legacy in Cuba has been a fascinating and mystifying topic of matter in the field of International Relations. Much has been written and contended on how Fidel came to...Show moreFidel Castro’s leadership and legacy in Cuba has been a fascinating and mystifying topic of matter in the field of International Relations. Much has been written and contended on how Fidel came to be the charismatic leader of Cuba and how he was able to maintain staying power and achieve legitimacy. The concepts of authority and legitimacy are attributed to the phenomenon of leadership and development of a society. This thesis will look at the roles of society, of Cuba in the twentieth century, and discourse and visual elements in the social construction of charisma in Fidel’s leadership. In addition, there will be an overview of Fidel’s background and how the approaches of gender, age, class, and race facilitated the social construction of Fidel’s charismatic leadership and the social reality of Cuba. The theoretical framework of constructivism and the methodological approach of content analysis will be utilized in order to examine how Fidel go to be the charismatic leader of Cuba.Show less
It seems to have become a tendency to focus on the negative consequences of higher migration flows. More open borders would supposedly undermine the sovereignty of states and lead to an unfavorable...Show moreIt seems to have become a tendency to focus on the negative consequences of higher migration flows. More open borders would supposedly undermine the sovereignty of states and lead to an unfavorable lack of control over who enters the country and who does not. Yet I believe there are many good reasons to defend looser border controls and actually far fewer reasons to support strict immigration policies. The conviction with which almost every country in the world defends the right to leave a country, while they simultaneously resist to acknowledge a subsequent right to enter another country, is suprising to me. As Phillip Cole pointed out “one cannot consistently assert that there is a fundamental human right to emigration but no such right to immigration; the liberal asymmetry position is morally ethical, but also conceptually incoherent” (Cole, 2000, 46). Cole argues that in case of nation state, the right to exit one’s state is dependent upon entry elsewhere because there is no livable ‘space’ of statelessness (2011, 203-204). I share the same conviction that the notions of depart and entrance are conceptually intertwined. An analysis of the concept of rights, duties and democratic legitimacy will demonstrate that there is a moral right to leave and a subsequent moral right to enter a country.Show less
Research on the “new” crime-terror nexus points out a recent trend of criminals turning to Islamist terrorism in Western Europe, assumes this is due to an overlap of criminal and terrorist milieus,...Show moreResearch on the “new” crime-terror nexus points out a recent trend of criminals turning to Islamist terrorism in Western Europe, assumes this is due to an overlap of criminal and terrorist milieus, and argues this is significant because former criminals make more effective terrorists (Basra, Neumann & Brunner 2016). Despite being left out of Basra, Neumann and Brunner’s study, Bosnia’s militant Islamists possess well-developed criminal capabilities. This research draws on the explanatory power of the concept of legitimacy to analyze the development of the Islamist movement in Bosnia and how it uses crime. Through contextualizing and synthesizing open-source information on five post-war terrorist attacks in Bosnia, I argue that the leaders of the Bosnian Islamist movement have since the Bosnian War effectively established and drawn on local and international networks to recruit for and fund terrorist activity, thus diminishing the significance attributed by Basra, Neumann and Brunner to the role former criminals play in financing the Islamist movement and carrying out terrorism. This research encourages a reassessment of some of the main assertions of the new crime-terror nexus and suggests a need for its further study in Bosnia, a country of particular significance to the global jihadist movement.Show less
For China, 2013 was the year of anti-corruption. The starting point of my research is that anti-corruption is not just a process of punishing political or economic crimes or improving supervision...Show moreFor China, 2013 was the year of anti-corruption. The starting point of my research is that anti-corruption is not just a process of punishing political or economic crimes or improving supervision mechanisms, but also a process to reconstruct the Party’s legitimacy. Therefore, from the perspective of political legitimacy, questions concerning how to tell the story of corruption become crucial. My central research question focuses on (1) what the discursive range of anti-corruption reporting by different Chinese media was and (2) how these narratives related to the Party’s legitimacy.Show less
