On May 23rd, 2014, Elliot Rodger killed six and injured fourteen near Isla Vista, United States, in his self-declared Day of Retribution. On March 15th, 2019, Brenton Tarrant opened fire in and...Show moreOn May 23rd, 2014, Elliot Rodger killed six and injured fourteen near Isla Vista, United States, in his self-declared Day of Retribution. On March 15th, 2019, Brenton Tarrant opened fire in and around the Al Noor mosque in Christchurch, New Zealand, eventually killing 51. Before their violent acts, both Elliot Rodger and Brenton Tarrant posted manifestos outlining justifications for resorting to violence while incentivising others to do the same. Rodger’s and Tarrant’s manifestos have been highly influential in inspiring other actors to resort to violence and are therefore analysed for the current investigation. However, a lack of analytical attention towards how violent actors with different ideological perspectives utilise gendered narratives in their manifestos necessitates the current investigation to explore how gendered discourses feature in Rodger’s and Tarrant’s manifestos. This thesis takes a gendered approach to violent discourse by applying a Critical Discourse Analysis, which unveils that both Rodger’s and Tarrant’s manifestos contain gendered narratives. However, the results also reveal that the intensities and frequencies of these narratives differ between the two manifestos, as do the ways in which the gendered constructions incite violence. These findings offer valuable insights into how gendered narratives unite ideologically diverse violent actors which can assist future research seeking to better understand the deadly effects of gendered discourse.Show less
Within far-right extremism, a recent trend has taken place where perpetrators publish a manifesto shortly before their attack in order to both justify their actions and inspire others. This thesis...Show moreWithin far-right extremism, a recent trend has taken place where perpetrators publish a manifesto shortly before their attack in order to both justify their actions and inspire others. This thesis analyses the manifestos written by Anders Breivik and Elliot Rodger, searching for anti-feminist trends, and compare the presence of these trends among the two manifestos. To achieve this, content analysis is performed on both manifestos. This analysis uncovers that Breivik and Rodger, though both belonging to different subgroups within far-right extremism, share similarities on multiple fronts: the wish to create an ideal world, the blaming of women and/or feminism for their problems, the aim to severely reverse women’s rights, and racist views.Show less
This thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the (pre)colonial era, and the BDP (Botswana Democratic Party) and ZANU(PF) (Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front) in the late colonial and postcolonial period, to identify what particularities in Botswana’s and Zimbabwe’s historical trajectories explain the divergence between the stance of BDP and ZANU(PF) leadership on the decriminalization of same-sex relations (SSR). The Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana started with a similar outlook on SSR, and in both countries, the British colonial administration imposed penal codes that criminalize(d) SSR. Yet, while BDP leadership grew gradually more supportive of the eventual decriminalization of SSR in 2019, ZANU(PF) leadership has strongly opposed to repealing the colonial-era penal codes. The different (de)colonization process and degree of colonial domination in each country appear to have the strongest explanatory power for these diverging outcomes. Many scholars have linked homophobia to masculinity and patriarchy. At the same time, colonial rule is widely believed to have undermined African masculinities and destabilized existing gender roles, and scholars have argued that misogyny, hyper-masculinity, and homophobia in African nationalist movements can be seen as a reaction to feelings of emasculation among African men. Colonial rule was significantly less invasive in Botswana, and the transition to independence mostly peaceful. Resultantly, there was no strong feeling of colonial domination among Botswanans, and anti-(neo)colonial rhetoric had little value as a source of political support. Thus, homosexuality never became conflated with (neo)colonialism in BDP nationalism, because it never centered on anti-(neo)colonialism to begin with. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s invasive colonial experience and arduous independence struggle created a strong sense of colonial domination among male independence leaders, who experienced it as ‘emasculation,’ and used misogyny and homophobia in attempt to restore a position of patriarchal power. At the same time, the rejection of homosexuality became a way to challenge colonial narratives about African sexuality and masculinity that were used to justify their abasement. Resultantly, the conflation of emasculation and homosexuality with colonial subjugation featured prominently in ZANU(PF)’s anti-colonial nationalism. The influence of Fanonesque and Marxist-Leninist thought further deepened homophobic sentiments in ZANU(PF) nationalism, while these schools of thought were absent from BDP nationalism. There is also scholarly consensus that European missionaries played an active role in codifying homosexuality as ‘immoral’ in Africa, and scholars argue that as Christianity became heavily politicized in the region, so did homosexuality. In that sense, homophobia, much like Christianity, is a political tool in contemporary Africa. Limited imposition of colonial rule and Tswana-controlled integration of Christianity may have further limited the inculcation of European (missionary) notions of sexuality and immorality in BDP nationalism. Moreover, unlike BDP nationalism, ZANU(PF) nationalism was organized around anti-colonialism, and this social glue lost its power once independence was achieved. This necessitated the creation of a new common enemy, while socioeconomic underperformance and declining public support incentivized the creation of a scapegoat to deflect criticism. Political homophobia became part of the creation of this new common enemy and scapegoat, and gained its legitimacy from Zimbabwe’s (de)colonization experience. With steady economic development and widespread public support after independence, there was less of an incentive for the BDP to use sexual minorities as a scapegoat.Show less
Christine de Pizan was one of the very first female authors in medieval Europe. She produced texts in which women are defended against misogyny. In her treatises Christine makes use of existing...Show moreChristine de Pizan was one of the very first female authors in medieval Europe. She produced texts in which women are defended against misogyny. In her treatises Christine makes use of existing misogynistic texts and uses them in her advantage in order to paint a positive picture of women. In addition she reprimands authors who besmirch the reputation of females. This thesis focuses on the manner in which she defends women against misogyny (which was common in medieval Europe) while she uses contemporary sources containing the very misogynistic ideas she argues against.Show less
Interpreting sexism, misogyny and racism in the American military culture with regards to South Korean camptown prostitution and placing it within the context of the existing literature on this sex...Show moreInterpreting sexism, misogyny and racism in the American military culture with regards to South Korean camptown prostitution and placing it within the context of the existing literature on this sex industry, this research concludes that the cultural factors of the military play a highly relevant role in the South Korean sex industry. The research includes the recent development of foreign women working, many of whom involuntarily so, in the camptown sex industry, and moreover, the role that the American military culture plays as a contributing factor to the prostitution.Show less
