The digitalisation of political expression impacted social movement organisation. The global proliferation of information and communication technology (ICT) digitalised social movements towards...Show moreThe digitalisation of political expression impacted social movement organisation. The global proliferation of information and communication technology (ICT) digitalised social movements towards networked collective action. This fuelled the optimism about ICTs as liberalisation tool. Yet, authoritarian regimes showed increasing sophistication in digital repression which urges to investigate the link between digital repression (DR) and mobilisation. I use complementary insights from connective action theory and disconnective action theory to address the research question: What is the effect of DR on mobilisation? By arguing DR is multi-dimensional, the goal of this analysis is to establish the relationship between DR and mobilisation in authoritarian regimes. To this end, I conduct a systematic, global analysis. With an OLS regression, my large-N study analyses authoritarian regimes from 2000 until 2021. The findings are qualitatively supported with two case studies to address endogeneity concerns. On the one hand, I expect a prevention effect on mobilisation if DR is performed as long-term information manipulation. On the other hand, I hypothesise an escalation effect on mobilisation if DR is executed in form of a short-term information vacuum. Though the results are mixed, I conclude that there is initial support for both prevention and escalation effect of DR. I derive that DR is multi-dimensional and can prevent, but also escalate mobilisation.Show less
Recent feminist movements, such as Ni Una Menos, have been protesting Argentina’s gendered social structure since 2015, which has been challenged and evolved over the past 40 years through the...Show moreRecent feminist movements, such as Ni Una Menos, have been protesting Argentina’s gendered social structure since 2015, which has been challenged and evolved over the past 40 years through the actions of other social movements. As Argentina entered a new period of economic uncertainty in 2018, Ni Una Menos emerged as a key actor in opposing the government’s economic policies, seemingly drifting away from its original goal to advance women’s rights in the country. This thesis therefore analyses the movement’s motivations behind its involvement in protesting the current debt crisis in Argentina. It finds that economic crises undoubtedly impact women to a higher extent than men, explaining Ni Una Menos’ involvement. Furthermore, an analysis of the declaration of strike of March 8th, 2020, suggests that the movement might be motivated by a desire to increase its mobilisation base. By using the consequences of the economic crisis and the implications of the debt to foster critical consciousness in the Argentine population, it can increase protests and advocate for deeper structural change.Show less
Research master thesis | African Studies (research) (MA)
open access
New ICTs, such as mobile phones and social media, are increasingly being seen as catalysers for political engagement, the spark of revolutions, or breaking power relations between political elites...Show moreNew ICTs, such as mobile phones and social media, are increasingly being seen as catalysers for political engagement, the spark of revolutions, or breaking power relations between political elites and the ‘information poor’. They have been centralised in the explanation of the Arab Spring and the wave of popular uprisings that occurred from 2010 onwards. It is safe to say that new ICTs indeed play a role in how information is spread and how people are mobilised for protest. However, the need for a reflection on why these new ICTs have a part in the outcome of uprisings within its respective context was often lacking. Moreover, it has often been left undiscussed what happens after a revolution or popular uprising. Is there actual social or political change, or does it often lead to an illusion or deception? New ICTs can prove to be extremely useful in mobilisation, the creation and spread of information and awakening a sense of political agency. Nevertheless, a country’s history, and its social, political and economic context might prove to be just as important when understanding the complexities of popular uprisings and their aftermath. This thesis discusses the case of Burkina Faso, where in the period of one year, the population rose up twice to demand change, justice and accountability. In October 2014, the Burkinabè massively hit the streets and within a ‘ten day revolution’ they ousted Blaise Compaoré who had been in power for 27 years. In September 2015, the Burkinabè again hit the streets to condemn a coup d’état that was executed by the former right-hand of Blaise Compaoré. Both uprisings were successful, meaning that those protesting achieved their short-term goals of ousting Blaise Compaoré and stopping a coup d’état. However, the question remains if they ensured change on the long-term and why new ICTs played a role in these successes. This thesis draws upon six months of extensive fieldwork in Burkina Faso and months of employing digital ethnographies, to understand if, why and how new ICTs played a role in the growth, outcome and aftermath of the Burkinabè uprisings. It argues that new ICTs played a major role in both uprisings because it brought together a collective of like-minded people and it ensured rapid mobilisation. However, we should be careful in putting them at the forefront of the explanation of political unrest and uprisings, because the socio-political context, historical background, existing political tensions and social structures may affect its effects.Show less
