This thesis departs from a paradox surrounding Argentine race relations wherein the nation houses Indigenous, brown and black identities, yet solely perceives itself as white and structurally...Show moreThis thesis departs from a paradox surrounding Argentine race relations wherein the nation houses Indigenous, brown and black identities, yet solely perceives itself as white and structurally denies racism. Through a constructivist and critical lens it explores how Indigenous, brown and black identities were repressed by and resisted the construction of ‘White Argentina’, and how Identidad Marrón as an embodiment of these identities is challenging the white national archetype. After identifying a knowledge gap regarding brown identities, it is argued that since its foundation and despite its hegemony the white nation and its whitening policies have been in continuous negotiation with non-white identities, whose resistance through violent means, such as malones – raids primarily carried out by Mapuche people, and art, writing and poetry were constructed as a threat. At present, Identidad Marrón and its antiracist discourses (re)emerged as a challenge to ‘White Argentina’ through two modes of resistance: writing disseminated through protest and art. The interrelation between the antiracist movement and Argentina's nation-building process is analyzed through Primary Source Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis. Finally, studying social movements akin to Identidad Marrón and their link to nation-building endavours in Latin America and beyond and thereby creating a body of research and societal narratives that counter racialized representations of people of colour can inspire change by giving recognition to marginalized identities, such as marrones, questioning exclusionary foundational myths and dismantling structural and systemic racism to lead the way into an increasingly inclusive future.Show less
This thesis analyses the forms, content, networks and function of Uzbekistani representations of Temurid figures, namely Amir Temur and Alisher Navoiy, across the Soviet and post-Soviet (Karimovian...Show moreThis thesis analyses the forms, content, networks and function of Uzbekistani representations of Temurid figures, namely Amir Temur and Alisher Navoiy, across the Soviet and post-Soviet (Karimovian and Mirziyoyevian) eras in order to assess the degree of change and continuity in these components across time and the reasons for said change and continuity. After an introduction, an explanation of the methodology and a literature review related to the state of affairs in Central Asian Studies, and English and Russian scholarship on Uzbekistani nation-building and Temurid figures, there are three chapters. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the early Soviet nation-building project in Uzbekistan (1920s-1940s) and the relationship of Alisher Navoiy and Amir Temur to this in the context of Soviet ethnogenesis and historiography. It also analyses the failed attempt at the rehabilitation of Temur in the 1960s due to said historiography and analysing the late Soviet context which laid the foundation for post-independence nation-building in which Temur and Navoiy have played an integral role. Chapter 2 examines the context of Uzbekistan’s newfound independence from 1991 onwards before taking a case study of the 1996 celebrations linked to Amir Temur’s 660th anniversary in 1996, analysing decrees, speeches, the use of public space, and a literary publication related to this anniversary and the relationship of a rehabilitated Amir Temur in particular to state legitimisation and nation-building in the Karimovian era. It finds that an Uzbekified and "Universalised" Temur was a key image in the domestic and international legitimisation of early post-Soviet rule. Chapter 3 turns to Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s presidency (2016-present), examining the context of this political and historical crossroads in post-independence Uzbekistan before turning to a case study of the 2021 celebrations of Alisher Navoiy’s 580th anniversary, looking at decrees and associated actions as well as an online forum from the British-Uzbek Society. It is argued that cultural diplomacy is seen as a way of domestically and internationally rebranding Uzbekistan in the post-Karimovian era, though the structure of the cultural diplomacy betrays deeper tendencies toward continuity.Show less
The psychological relationships that people have with celebrities or idols can influence communal cohesion. Almost everyone in modern society relates to non-present or distant others. Our idols can...Show moreThe psychological relationships that people have with celebrities or idols can influence communal cohesion. Almost everyone in modern society relates to non-present or distant others. Our idols can affect the way we perceive ourselves and others. Generally, people associate more with national than with foreign idols. This creates a more communal national appreciation and contributes to the national ‘imagined communities.’ People from the same nation associate with each other through their shared idols. Therefore, idols can be used as a nation-building mechanism. For many African countries, nation-building has been crucial due to the formation of states by colonial powers. This has resulted in the separation of relatives and the grouping of distinct societies. One of the African countries with a rich colonial history and a diverse ethnic landscape is Namibia. In this context, the thesis examines the contribution of idolisation of local heroes to national identities, specifically in the case of Namibia’s freedom fighter Hendrik Witbooi. Through a literature review and interviews with Namibians, different idolisation mediums have been identified, including newspapers, television broadcasts, visual representations, stories, and songs. The contribution that these idolisation mediums have made to national identity is the promotion of a communal shared history, one of the key elements of a ‘nation.’ In the case of Namibia, this consists of a shared history of traumatic events, specifically the German and South African colonisation and the ‘Namibian genocide,’ however, it includes heroes that rose up against the perpetrators of these injustices. Consideration is given to the influence of the SWAPO-government and comparable cases of idolisation in other countries.Show less
Seoul has continuously been reshaped by nation-building strategies that project the image of the nation through urban space. From the 1970s onwards, this image has drastically changed by rapid...Show moreSeoul has continuously been reshaped by nation-building strategies that project the image of the nation through urban space. From the 1970s onwards, this image has drastically changed by rapid industrialization and the creation of a ‘national heritage’ canon under the Park Chung Hee government. Subsequent governments have invested in the 'politics of memory' to strengthen their regimes: complete urban compounds were demolished and replaced by monuments, museums, public plazas, and impressive urban projects that have recently turned Seoul into a 'soft’, playful and global city. However, current Seoul Mayor Park Won Soon has shifted his focus on urban revitalization instead of demolition. His ‘Seoul Future Heritage Program’, in which ‘Industrial Heritage’ plays a crucial role, reflects the approach of ‘heritagization’, the creation of heritage, to revitalize decaying structures in the city. Seoullo 7017, a deteriorating traffic overpass turned into a green walkway, and Again Sewoon, an old arcade ‘revived’ by inviting startups and creative events, were elevated as ‘Industrial Heritage’ and imagined alongside the nation’s ‘traditional’ heritage in a naturalized narrative portraying the nation’s culture and progress. Both projects were designed to attract daily citizen activity and engagement with their heritage value through information signs, public campaigns, and pedestrian accessibility. Altogether, Mayor Park’s policy shows a crucial shift in attention towards experiential heritage, in which industrial architecture is firmly placed within the national heritage narrative.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to understand the link between nationalism and political stability through the comparison of nation-building projects in Tanzania and Kenya. This will be done through...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to understand the link between nationalism and political stability through the comparison of nation-building projects in Tanzania and Kenya. This will be done through the analysis of the political speeches and policies of Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta as the first presidents of Tanzania and Kenya respectively. The public perception of these leaders and their nation-building projects will also be discussed. It is the conclusion of this thesis that Julius Nyerere used both rhetoric and policy to create a unified Tanzanian identity based on core values which led to political stability throughout his administration and beyond. Meanwhile, Jomo Kenyatta failed to create a unified Kenyan identity through policies and rhetoric that divided the country along ethnic lines. These divisions have caused political instability in Kenya both during and following Kenyatta’s presidency. Ultimately, the creation of a unified national identity played a key role in stability in Tanzania and the lack of unity played a key role in instability in Kenya.Show less
Why do some minorities resort to ethnic political violence against the state? How do states’ nation-building practices and their often accompanying assimilationist state policies influence this...Show moreWhy do some minorities resort to ethnic political violence against the state? How do states’ nation-building practices and their often accompanying assimilationist state policies influence this decision? This research delves into these questions by means of a comparative analysis between two state-minority relationships, that of the Amazigh minority with the Moroccan state and the Kurdish minority with the Turkish state. Whereas both minorities have been subject to their states’ nation-building endeavours, the Amazigh minority unlike the Kurdish minority has not resorted to violence as a response to this. Both factors related to the state and factors to do with minorities’ ability to mobilize have been shown to influence this decision. Based upon an historical analysis of these factors for both cases, the findings of this research strongly suggest that conditions of political exclusion and discrimination, heavy state interference in both the public and private domain, and violent state repression specifically aimed at an ethnic minority can explain the resort to ethnic political violence of minorities. At the same time, the findings call into question the explanatory capability of economic factors with regard to the rise of ethnic political violence.Show less
Since independence, Kazakhstan has promoted different conceptions of national identity: an “ethnic” discourse that promotes the titular Kazakh nation, a “civic discourse” that revolves around inter...Show moreSince independence, Kazakhstan has promoted different conceptions of national identity: an “ethnic” discourse that promotes the titular Kazakh nation, a “civic discourse” that revolves around inter-ethnic harmony, and a “transnational” discourse that is focused on international prestige. For long, scholars have debated which of these discourses has been dominant, or whether these discourses have been promoted simultaneously. This thesis contributes to the growing body of work on Kazkakhstan’s nationhood process by looking at the competing nation-building narratives that are presented through two sport projects: the Astana Pro cycling team, and the promotion of Kazakh national wrestling. The analysis has made clear that the wrestling and the cycling projects are each used to promote different elements of Kazakhstan’s national identity; while the wrestling emphasizes the ethnic conception of Kazakh identity, the Astana Team is more focused on gaining international prestige. At the same, time, the narratives and symbolism used in the two projects are often ambiguous and sometimes even contradictory. Thus, this thesis has shown that competing nation-building narratives are promoted simultaneously and as such, it has highlighted the complex and hybrid nature of Kazakhstan’s nation-building process.Show less
This thesis investigates various ways the other versus national self -setting is constructed in three Russian blockbuster movies: Flight Crew (2016), Viy (2014) and Legend no. 17 (2013). The...Show moreThis thesis investigates various ways the other versus national self -setting is constructed in three Russian blockbuster movies: Flight Crew (2016), Viy (2014) and Legend no. 17 (2013). The theoretical framework of othering will be employed as a device to analyze the movies. It is suggested that the varying others in various contexts of these movies each cause different aspects of Russian national identity to resurface and be emphasized. As especially mass-produced blockbuster movies are the major form of entertainment for a significantly wide audience, it is argued that they can provide valuable insight into how post-Russian national identity is being negotiated in Russia.Show less
The question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its...Show moreThe question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its political and military strength, the Russian state embarked on the (sometimes ambiguous) road of nation-building. Scholars of nationalism and Russian national identity have tried to analyze this ‘Russian Question’, whereby most concluded that there is not a coherent Russian national identity. In this sense, it is useful to look at national identity in some of Russia’s specific regions. This thesis analyzes this process in the case of Russia’s most-western region, Kaliningrad. This so-called exclave has only been part of Russian since the Second World War and due to its German history and geographical distance from homeland Russia, it occupies a special position inside the country. In the process of nation-building by the Russian state, officials cannot solely use ‘common’ Russian markers of identity but also have to take Kaliningrad’s ‘particular’ circumstances into account. This thesis therefore argues that the Russian nation-building process in Kaliningrad lies ‘between commonality and particularity’. It will analyze this two-sidedness through the symbolic, military and anti-Western dimensions of nation-building in Kaliningrad; the speeches and statements of Russian officials in this light are used as the main points of analysis.Show less
