The thesis investigates the potential causes behind the differing responses given by South Korea and Taiwan in the aftermath of the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami disaster using a qualitative...Show moreThe thesis investigates the potential causes behind the differing responses given by South Korea and Taiwan in the aftermath of the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami disaster using a qualitative thick description analysis. This work contributes to the field of soft power by conducting a case study: this field is often criticized for its lack of empirical evidence. This topic is important as it posits a causal relationship between Japanese soft power and the differing levels of responses given, showing that soft power has visible and tangible effects. The research question was as follows: what explains the differences in Taiwanese and South Korean support following the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami? Based on the research it was found that many factors, namely nationalism, historical relations, and the individual country’s soft power resources as mediating factors to Japan’s soft power.Show less
Based on NGO websites, media coverage and different governmental institutions, this paper investigates the recent recurrence of the term Migun wianbu to describe U.S. camp-town prostitutes. The...Show moreBased on NGO websites, media coverage and different governmental institutions, this paper investigates the recent recurrence of the term Migun wianbu to describe U.S. camp-town prostitutes. The term wianbu holds connections to the highly politicised comfort women (wianbu) issue. I argue in this paper that based on similarities of the two cases, it is fair to describe camp town prostitutes as comfort women. In the research I conclude that NGOs have started using the term in recent years to gain awareness for the cause, as to get justice for the lawsuit levelled against the government regarding the government’s involvement in the issue. Conservative media outlets are seen as hesitant to then also use the term wianbu, opting rather for the more neutral kijich’on yŏsŏng (camp town women), whereas more progressive media use Migun wianbu with some regularity.Show less
De Tweede Boerenoorlog in Zuidelijk Afrika aan het einde van de negentiende eeuw bracht veel teweeg onder de gemoederen in Nederland. Veel mensen steunden de Boeren, die grotendeels afstammelingen...Show moreDe Tweede Boerenoorlog in Zuidelijk Afrika aan het einde van de negentiende eeuw bracht veel teweeg onder de gemoederen in Nederland. Veel mensen steunden de Boeren, die grotendeels afstammelingen waren van Nederlandse kolonisten. Door middel van een bottom-up benadering van nationalisme richt dit onderzoek zich op de steun die van onderaf ontstond voor de Boeren, zowel als het gaat om liefdadigheidsinitiatieven als om advertenties voor de Boeren en hoe die tot uiting werd gebracht. Concluderend toont dit onderzoek aan dat, ondanks onderlinge verschillen, mensen uit allerlei verschillende zuilen, klassen en hoeken van Nederland steun betuigden aan de Boeren. Het is het bewijs dat het Nederlandse nationalisme was gegroeid en uitgebreid naar gebieden en mensen die buiten de welgestelde, protestantse en stedelijke elite van Holland vielen.Show less
Ilminjuŭi is generally known for an ideology that President Syngman Rhee attempted to use in the early years of the First Republic in order to create a single-minded unity. There are many writings...Show moreIlminjuŭi is generally known for an ideology that President Syngman Rhee attempted to use in the early years of the First Republic in order to create a single-minded unity. There are many writings about Syngman Rhee, and he is often portrayed as a nationalist and staunch anti-communist. However, the part where he tried to promote Ilminjuŭi and how this ideology functioned during his rule, often gets overlooked. Ilminjuŭi has been only a minor focus of studies on Syngman Rhee and his long career of fighting for an independent Korea and for what he thought was right. Most of the existing literature explain what Ilminjuŭi is, who created it, and that Rhee tried to use this idea of creating a single-minded unity during the early years First Republic, before the start of the Korean War. This thesis therefore distinguishes from existing literature by looking at primary sources from Korean news articles during the time of the entire First Republic. The news articles are used to give an idea how Ilminjuŭi was reported through media and how this idea was being disseminated. The ideology seems to have died out shortly after the Rhee period. Therefore, I went on an academic journey to analyze how and where this ideology was most influential, and where was the turning point that led to Ilminjuŭi becoming less influential in Korean society. The research questions of my thesis are therefore, “How was Ilminjuŭi spread and reported through media, and spread by the government during the First Republic?” and secondly, “What were possible indicators that led to the vanishment of Ilminjuŭi?”.Show less
This thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the (pre)colonial era, and the BDP (Botswana Democratic Party) and ZANU(PF) (Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front) in the late colonial and postcolonial period, to identify what particularities in Botswana’s and Zimbabwe’s historical trajectories explain the divergence between the stance of BDP and ZANU(PF) leadership on the decriminalization of same-sex relations (SSR). The Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana started with a similar outlook on SSR, and in both countries, the British colonial administration imposed penal codes that criminalize(d) SSR. Yet, while BDP leadership grew gradually more supportive of the eventual decriminalization of SSR in 2019, ZANU(PF) leadership has strongly opposed to repealing the colonial-era penal codes. The different (de)colonization process and degree of colonial domination in each country appear to have the strongest explanatory power for these diverging outcomes. Many scholars have linked homophobia to masculinity and patriarchy. At the same time, colonial rule is widely believed to have undermined African masculinities and destabilized existing gender roles, and scholars have argued that misogyny, hyper-masculinity, and homophobia in African nationalist movements can be seen as a reaction to feelings of emasculation among African men. Colonial rule was significantly less invasive in Botswana, and the transition to independence mostly peaceful. Resultantly, there was no strong feeling of colonial domination among Botswanans, and anti-(neo)colonial rhetoric had little value as a source of political support. Thus, homosexuality never became conflated with (neo)colonialism in BDP nationalism, because it never centered on anti-(neo)colonialism to begin with. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s invasive colonial experience and arduous independence struggle created a strong sense of colonial domination among male independence leaders, who experienced it as ‘emasculation,’ and used misogyny and homophobia in attempt to restore a position of patriarchal power. At the same time, the rejection of homosexuality became a way to challenge colonial narratives about African sexuality and masculinity that were used to justify their abasement. Resultantly, the conflation of emasculation and homosexuality with colonial subjugation featured prominently in ZANU(PF)’s anti-colonial nationalism. The influence of Fanonesque and Marxist-Leninist thought further deepened homophobic sentiments in ZANU(PF) nationalism, while these schools of thought were absent from BDP nationalism. There is also scholarly consensus that European missionaries played an active role in codifying homosexuality as ‘immoral’ in Africa, and scholars argue that as Christianity became heavily politicized in the region, so did homosexuality. In that sense, homophobia, much like Christianity, is a political tool in contemporary Africa. Limited imposition of colonial rule and Tswana-controlled integration of Christianity may have further limited the inculcation of European (missionary) notions of sexuality and immorality in BDP nationalism. Moreover, unlike BDP nationalism, ZANU(PF) nationalism was organized around anti-colonialism, and this social glue lost its power once independence was achieved. This necessitated the creation of a new common enemy, while socioeconomic underperformance and declining public support incentivized the creation of a scapegoat to deflect criticism. Political homophobia became part of the creation of this new common enemy and scapegoat, and gained its legitimacy from Zimbabwe’s (de)colonization experience. With steady economic development and widespread public support after independence, there was less of an incentive for the BDP to use sexual minorities as a scapegoat.Show less
Recent trends within contemporary terrorism studies indicate that the right-wing is widely understood as a growing security concern. Germany’s political spectrum comprises an extensive right-wing,...Show moreRecent trends within contemporary terrorism studies indicate that the right-wing is widely understood as a growing security concern. Germany’s political spectrum comprises an extensive right-wing, causing the country to be among the largest targets of extreme right terrorism within Europe. This study aims to examine the nature of this developing trend of terrorism within Germany between 2015 and 2019. This research will analyse two terrorism datasets to explore the common characteristics of German right-wing extremists, as well as shortly examining the overall terrorism landscape in the country. This thesis argues that the right-wing is the leading source for terrorism in the country. The results add that Germany’s right-wing terrorism experiences an initial spark due to societal changes, and is still predominantly preoccupied with anti-refugee sentiments, a trend which emerged in the mid-1990s. Even though certain right-wing groups are more active than others, there seems to be overlap regarding the motives, targets, and objectives. The nationalist and xenophobic components of the right-wing are also clearly highlighted in the country.Show less
This research examines the influence of nationalism on the outbreak of the armed conflict between Turkish and Greek Cypriots from 1950 until 1976. This armed conflicts between the both Cypriot...Show moreThis research examines the influence of nationalism on the outbreak of the armed conflict between Turkish and Greek Cypriots from 1950 until 1976. This armed conflicts between the both Cypriot communities was reflective of an enduring ethnic conflict between two different cultural communities. Therefore, this research is focused on understanding the ethnic conflict in relation to the rise of Turkish and Greek nationalism. The structure of this research starts by placing the ethnic conflict in its historical context; secondly, the effects of Turkish and Greek nationalism on the both Cypriot communities will be elucidated; and lastly, this research will analyze the ethnic conflict from Kohn's theory of nationalism, which distinguishes two different forms of nationalism: civic and ethnic nationalism.Show less
A brief analysis of two books written by authors who were children during the independence war and nakba of 1948. The two are compared in the way that they present nationalism to children.
This study attempts to explore how nationalism plays a role when foreign brands make its entrance into the Chinese market. It examines different kinds of nationalism, e.g. state- nationalism,...Show moreThis study attempts to explore how nationalism plays a role when foreign brands make its entrance into the Chinese market. It examines different kinds of nationalism, e.g. state- nationalism, popular nationalism and the shift towards digital nationalism. Furthermore, it explores how Public Relations (PR) work in China and what foreign brands need to be keep in mind when they want to expand their brand to China. A case study will be conducted in this research regarding the PR disaster of Dolce & Gabbana. This case study uses a visual semiotic analysis to analyze D&G Advertisement. The findings of the analyses highlight how a certain sign that is used in the discourse can be received wrong to the Chinese people and to its nation.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to understand the link between nationalism and political stability through the comparison of nation-building projects in Tanzania and Kenya. This will be done through...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to understand the link between nationalism and political stability through the comparison of nation-building projects in Tanzania and Kenya. This will be done through the analysis of the political speeches and policies of Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta as the first presidents of Tanzania and Kenya respectively. The public perception of these leaders and their nation-building projects will also be discussed. It is the conclusion of this thesis that Julius Nyerere used both rhetoric and policy to create a unified Tanzanian identity based on core values which led to political stability throughout his administration and beyond. Meanwhile, Jomo Kenyatta failed to create a unified Kenyan identity through policies and rhetoric that divided the country along ethnic lines. These divisions have caused political instability in Kenya both during and following Kenyatta’s presidency. Ultimately, the creation of a unified national identity played a key role in stability in Tanzania and the lack of unity played a key role in instability in Kenya.Show less
This thesis describes the development of the phenomenon of yōkai in Japan throughout time and investigates the influence of nationalism on this phenomenon using the oni as a case study.
Although many academics agree nationalism represents one of the main causes of the 1990s war in the Balkans, there remains a clear divide in the opinions of where the emerging nationalism...Show moreAlthough many academics agree nationalism represents one of the main causes of the 1990s war in the Balkans, there remains a clear divide in the opinions of where the emerging nationalism originated from. The thesis works to fill the gap in this debate by focusing on the influence of nationalist leaders on the ideology emerging at the time of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Through the discussion of two methods with which Slobodan Milošević affected the raising nationalism, in the early 1980s and early 1990s, this thesis performs a detailed analysis of the academic theory of 'ancient hatreds' and 'new' nationalism. The paper offers the reader a better understanding of the possible influences nationalist leaders might have on the emerging ideologies.Show less
Of all the conflicts which erupted throughout the twentieth century the Second Sino-Japanese War ranks amongst the most controversial, as it is to this day the source of much debate and deeply...Show moreOf all the conflicts which erupted throughout the twentieth century the Second Sino-Japanese War ranks amongst the most controversial, as it is to this day the source of much debate and deeply affects the dynamics of power in East Asia. After the end of World War II, Japan was forced to abandon its imperialist ambitions as well as many parts of the imperial cult as a sign of scission between Imperial Japan and the post-war modern nation that was to rise from its ashes. Although coming to terms with its troubled past was an essential step for Japan's reconstruction as a modern state and the normalization of its relations with other East Asian nations, in recent years an increasingly nationalist revisionist trend has emerged. This thesis is concerned with examining this Japanese war-memory problem, which is an issue which has grown exponentially in importance in recent years.Show less
The ‘Comfort Women’ issue is an ongoing discourse that continues to shape the unstable relations between Japan and Korea. Since the 1990's, Korean women who were coerced into sexual slavery by...Show moreThe ‘Comfort Women’ issue is an ongoing discourse that continues to shape the unstable relations between Japan and Korea. Since the 1990's, Korean women who were coerced into sexual slavery by Japan during World War II have come forward to fight for recognition of the war crimes committed by Japan. The contestation of various nationalist historical remembering however has sidelined feminist issues regarding the brutality women faced in order to prioritize state nationalism. This article extends McClintock’s critique of the term ‘post-colonialism’ and historical linearity to analyze the restraints of a singular embedded history that does not allow space for other historical experiences to be legitimized. This article examines how the state, organizations, and 'comfort women' survivors propagate a specific historical rhetoric in the redress movement against Japan where they are constrained to a post-colonial ‘condition’ that does not look beyond the nation nor takes into consideration the harm done to women’s’ bodies themselves.Show less
My aim is to have a more nuanced analysis of the differing Japanese positions and views on Indonesian nationalism versus the black and white image that scholars and others often present by using...Show moreMy aim is to have a more nuanced analysis of the differing Japanese positions and views on Indonesian nationalism versus the black and white image that scholars and others often present by using the Indonesian language policy as an example. The scholarly approaches so far have been limited in discussing these more clearly. I will argue that the Japanese side lacked unity on what could be said to have been a very ambiguous policy and ideological area. The growing presence of Indonesian nationalism during the Japanese occupation is a possible factor of influencing the local authority's views, but I will argue that the nationalists' room for influence was limited.Show less
