This research examines the influence of nationalism on the outbreak of the armed conflict between Turkish and Greek Cypriots from 1950 until 1976. This armed conflicts between the both Cypriot...Show moreThis research examines the influence of nationalism on the outbreak of the armed conflict between Turkish and Greek Cypriots from 1950 until 1976. This armed conflicts between the both Cypriot communities was reflective of an enduring ethnic conflict between two different cultural communities. Therefore, this research is focused on understanding the ethnic conflict in relation to the rise of Turkish and Greek nationalism. The structure of this research starts by placing the ethnic conflict in its historical context; secondly, the effects of Turkish and Greek nationalism on the both Cypriot communities will be elucidated; and lastly, this research will analyze the ethnic conflict from Kohn's theory of nationalism, which distinguishes two different forms of nationalism: civic and ethnic nationalism.Show less
A brief analysis of two books written by authors who were children during the independence war and nakba of 1948. The two are compared in the way that they present nationalism to children.
On the 15th of March 2019, the Linwood Islamic Church centre and the Al-Noor Mosque in Christchurch had been the target of a terrorist attack. The perpetrator of this attack, Brenton Tarrant, had...Show moreOn the 15th of March 2019, the Linwood Islamic Church centre and the Al-Noor Mosque in Christchurch had been the target of a terrorist attack. The perpetrator of this attack, Brenton Tarrant, had released a manifesto in which he cited NATO`s intervention of Kosovo in 1999 as one of the motives behind his attacks. However, this was not the sole instance in which Tarrant referred to the Yugoslav wars, as he was listening to the song ""Karadžić, Lead your Serbs!"" (also known as God is a Serb) prior to his arrival to the Al-Noor Mosque. Additionally, the guns used by Tarrant were brandishing the names of several individuals including those of that the Serbian Prince Lazar Hrebeljanović and Miloš Obilić. These references to Prince Lazar and Milos Obilic are significant, as they are part of the Kosovo Myth and by extension the Heavenly Serbia discourse which are linked to violence within the region, especially towards Muslims. In light of this, the purpose of this paper is to assess to what extent the discourse of the Christchurch shooter is inspired and or connected to the Heavenly Serbia discourse. In order to explore this relationship, this paper applies a critical discourse analysis on The Great Replacement written by Tarrant.Show less
This thesis investigates the topic of nationalism in Weibo posts that discuss the detention of Meng Wanzhou, Chief Financial Officer (CFO) of Huawei. After the arrest, Weibo users quickly connected...Show moreThis thesis investigates the topic of nationalism in Weibo posts that discuss the detention of Meng Wanzhou, Chief Financial Officer (CFO) of Huawei. After the arrest, Weibo users quickly connected this case with broader nationalist topics, resulting in different types of nationalist reactions. This study describes how these reactions reflect, create or shape a nationalist discourse. This was done in three parts: first of all, I examined how the countries of Canada, the US and China are described. The analysis reveals that the comments describe the US as the active culprit and Canada as a more passive, docile country. Secondly, the question was formulated as to how Meng was described, as a person, as CFO of Huawei, and as a Chinese, in order to gain more insight into how these different layers of her identity coincide or contrast. This part concludes that most commenters express their support for Meng, but that her wealth and unclarity regarding her citizenship can result in a decrease of support. Finally, I investigated the ways in which nationalism can be converted into action. It became clear how consumption and nationalism can be linked: many Weibo users suggested to initiate a boycott, mainly against Apple. Simultaneously, others also reflected on the efficacy of such measures.Show less
This study attempts to explore how nationalism plays a role when foreign brands make its entrance into the Chinese market. It examines different kinds of nationalism, e.g. state- nationalism,...Show moreThis study attempts to explore how nationalism plays a role when foreign brands make its entrance into the Chinese market. It examines different kinds of nationalism, e.g. state- nationalism, popular nationalism and the shift towards digital nationalism. Furthermore, it explores how Public Relations (PR) work in China and what foreign brands need to be keep in mind when they want to expand their brand to China. A case study will be conducted in this research regarding the PR disaster of Dolce & Gabbana. This case study uses a visual semiotic analysis to analyze D&G Advertisement. The findings of the analyses highlight how a certain sign that is used in the discourse can be received wrong to the Chinese people and to its nation.Show less
This paper explores the history of Chinese Shuaijiao (wrestling). The sport has a history that is connected to the development of Chinese nationalism during the transformation of Qing China into...Show moreThis paper explores the history of Chinese Shuaijiao (wrestling). The sport has a history that is connected to the development of Chinese nationalism during the transformation of Qing China into the Chinese Republic. Shuaijiao morphed from an activity which occupied an important position in the Manchu Qing empire into an instrument to promote Republican nationalism.Show less
The Chinese art and antiques market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism. In contrast to other governments, the Chinese government is not very successful in the repatriation of Chinese...Show moreThe Chinese art and antiques market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism. In contrast to other governments, the Chinese government is not very successful in the repatriation of Chinese cultural heritage. Therefore, it supports individuals to do so by rewarding those who step in. Nationalism nowadays is a very important value in Chinese society encouraged by the government. Part of that is also to encourage people to show their nationalism by means of buying art. Donors are also encouraged by the rewards they get for their donations. When an object that has been stolen from China comes up for sale it always attracts a lot of attention in China. This is especially the case when it originates from the Yuanmingyuan, a place connected to the humiliation of China. Many think the sale of stolen objects should be forbidden and if the government does not succeed in stopping the sale, people will try to buy it in order to repatriate it to China. Which can result in a bidding war in which the price reaches unrealistic heights. Individuals outside of mainland have used antiques to construct their Chinese identity and to strengthen their ties with China by among others donating stolen art. This is a way for them to show they support Chinese nationalism. Something that has had an influence on the buying behaviour of the overseas on the Chinese art and antique market. Since the beginning of the 2000s buyers from mainland China with the same purpose have entered the market. This has had an enormous influence on the Chinese art and antiques market. Thus, the Chinese art and antique market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism.Show less
The present paper explores the myth of Japanese homogeneity in relation to current multicultural challenges existing in Japan and analyses them in contrast with the country’s endeavours in...Show moreThe present paper explores the myth of Japanese homogeneity in relation to current multicultural challenges existing in Japan and analyses them in contrast with the country’s endeavours in anticipation of the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. In order to do so, fundamental theories on multiculturalism, nationalism, identity politics, and intercultural communication are first examined and then applied to the literature on the organisation of mega-events—such as the Olympics. The focus being on the case of the coming Tokyo Olympics, this paper has a more in-depth look at the current situation in terms of tourism and multiculturalism—briefly looking at the past Olympics celebrated in Tokyo 1964. Special attention is devoted to perceptions towards immigrants and foreigners in Japan, as well as the approaches and regulations taken by the government in terms of immigration, tourism, and hospitality, particularly regarding demographic and economic challenges. The final findings suggest that both political and social change are strongly interconnected and are equally crucial in achieving the goal of a more welcoming and accessible Olympics.Show less
This thesis focuses on the relation between Prime Minister Abe’s nationalist policy and how this has an influence on the rapidly declining press freedom in Japan, seeking a more comprehensive view...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the relation between Prime Minister Abe’s nationalist policy and how this has an influence on the rapidly declining press freedom in Japan, seeking a more comprehensive view of the role prime minister Abe plays in declining press freedom and the relation between declining press freedom and the Japanese broadcasting system. This thesis poses the following research question: To what degree does prime minister Abe’s use of a nationalistic policy agenda influence the rapid decline of press freedom in Japan since 2012, and how does this relate to the Japanese broadcasting system? As opposed to the general academic consensus which puts the blame of declining press freedom almost solely with Prime Minister Abe and his nationalistic tendencies this thesis argues and shows by using gatekeeping theory and identifying the Japanese government as gatekeeper and the Japanese media industry as being gated, that while prime minister Abe is a factor, the underlying problem that allows the decline in press freedom are the several ingrained weaknesses in the Japanese broadcasting system that make it so that officials in power and the government can abuse this to in effect maintain a stronghold over the media regardless of ideology or political position. Such weaknesses include the broadcasting law, ownership of broadcast licensing and the use and abuse of Kisha clubs.Show less
This thesis explores nationalism by nationalism in microstates, also known as micronationalism. By examining fringe cases of nationalism, a clearer picture of the working of nationalism in both...Show moreThis thesis explores nationalism by nationalism in microstates, also known as micronationalism. By examining fringe cases of nationalism, a clearer picture of the working of nationalism in both microstates and ‘regular’ states is established. A definition of microstates is established, and consequently San Marino is used as a case study to examine micronationalism in an internationally recognized state. The thesis established a framework using leading theorists in the field, including Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, Benedict Anderson, and Tom Nairn. The study concludes that micronationalism is shaped much like nationalism is in 'regular' states, namely through the establishment of national myths and symbols. However, as opposed to Italian nationalism, Sammarinese nationalism arose due to a combination of the rise of nationalism as a paradigm in general, and the exclusion of San Marino from the Italian unification in the mid-19th century.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis compares the texts of Vietnamese national history written in the colonial period by two competing reformist intellectuals Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải. Exposed to the currents of...Show moreThis thesis compares the texts of Vietnamese national history written in the colonial period by two competing reformist intellectuals Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải. Exposed to the currents of thought such as Social Darwinism and the theory of evolution in early twentieth century Asia, both of them realised the backwardness of Vietnam and stressed the necessity of reform. However, Phan decided to fight against the French while Hoàng chose to collaborate with them. As will be shown in this thesis, both Phan and Hoàng, despite the difference of their political stances, endeavoured to justify their respective propositions by constructing the historic past of Vietnam. As two reformist intellectuals, Phan Bội Châu and Hoàng Cao Khải regarded the introduction of Western civilisation in late nineteenth century Asia as a key moment for the Vietnamese people to get rid of their backward conditions and evolve into a civilised nation. However, they shared different opinions about the nature of this transition of Vietnam. Phan Bội Châu was inclined to view the French invasion as a “Messianic” moment which marked the “rupture” between the past and present in Vietnamese history. In his historiography, Vietnamese society in the past centuries was inherently barbarous, and this barbarousness led to the current backwardness of the country. Meanwhile, Phan Bội Châu, as an anti-French activist, emphasised that the salvation of the Vietnamese nation should never rely upon the assistance of France. He insisted that albeit France was a civilised state, it played an anti-progressive role in the process of Vietnam’s modernisation. Therefore, resisting against the French colonisation naturally became the most important step in the national salvation and rejuvenation. To justify his anti-French proposition, Phan constructed a genealogy of national heroes who, out of their inherent “anti-foreign nature”, participated in the resistance against China’s invasions in the previous millennia. Meanwhile, he included the present anti-French revolution into the glorious anti-foreign tradition of the Vietnamese nation. Hoàng Cao Khải systematically refuted Phan in Việt sử kính and Việt sử yếu. Based on the theory of the transition of models of civilisation, however, Hoàng Cao Khải argued that it was not the inherent barbarousness of the Vietnamese people but the decay of the model of civilisation that Vietnam followed in previous times that resulted in the inferior status of Vietnam in the current international competition. In Hoàng’s narrative, the history of Vietnam is depicted as a gradual and consistent process towards civilisation, in which China, because of its superiority in competition, functioned as the first model for Vietnam to follow and eventually made the later a domain of civilisation. Considering the power of France which had been demonstrated in its recent competitions with Vietnam, Hoàng suggested that France had already replaced China as the new model of civilisation for Vietnam to follow. In the face of Phan Bội Châu’s emphasis on the anti-foreignness of the Vietnamese nation, Hoàng employed the analytical framework of the dichotomy between “universal principle” and “brute force” to analyse those uprisings against the China’s colonisation and argued that most of them were merely contingent responses to inappropriate policies based on the “brute force”. Moreover, by utilising the ideas of Social Darwinism to reinterpret the connotation of “universal principle”, Hoàng justifies the behaviour which employed “brute force” in the process of disseminating so-called “universal principle” and civilisation. Apart from their interpretation of the past, this thesis examines their imagination of the future as well. Based on their discussions about the issue of Champa, it points out the shared “pro-imperial” orientation of Phan and Hoàng in their opinions on the international status of Vietnam after modernisation. That is, neither Phan (despite his anti-colonialist stance) nor Hoàngrealised the underlying nature of the phenomenon of colonialism itself let alone intending to challenge or subvert the current colonial order. The world they envisioned in which a decolonised Vietnam situated is still established upon asymmetrical relations of power.Show less
This thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech...Show moreThis thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech transcripts and newspaper opinion pieces of pro-independence and pro-union elites in order to identify broad lexical patterns in discourse. These results are then interpreted with the guidance of previous literature and within the theoretical framework of discursive institutionalism. The analysis finds that the most salient patterns are a pro-union emphasis on law and the constitution, and a pro-independence focus on the symbolic imagery produced by the referendum, such as polling stations, ballot boxes, and police violence. The results also find differing representations of the relationship between Catalonia and Spain, and to a lesser degree, the role of Europe within the dynamic. Taken together, these findings illuminate broad discursive strategies employed by both sides of the independence debate as they seek to either provoke or prevent institutional change.Show less
Seoul has continuously been reshaped by nation-building strategies that project the image of the nation through urban space. From the 1970s onwards, this image has drastically changed by rapid...Show moreSeoul has continuously been reshaped by nation-building strategies that project the image of the nation through urban space. From the 1970s onwards, this image has drastically changed by rapid industrialization and the creation of a ‘national heritage’ canon under the Park Chung Hee government. Subsequent governments have invested in the 'politics of memory' to strengthen their regimes: complete urban compounds were demolished and replaced by monuments, museums, public plazas, and impressive urban projects that have recently turned Seoul into a 'soft’, playful and global city. However, current Seoul Mayor Park Won Soon has shifted his focus on urban revitalization instead of demolition. His ‘Seoul Future Heritage Program’, in which ‘Industrial Heritage’ plays a crucial role, reflects the approach of ‘heritagization’, the creation of heritage, to revitalize decaying structures in the city. Seoullo 7017, a deteriorating traffic overpass turned into a green walkway, and Again Sewoon, an old arcade ‘revived’ by inviting startups and creative events, were elevated as ‘Industrial Heritage’ and imagined alongside the nation’s ‘traditional’ heritage in a naturalized narrative portraying the nation’s culture and progress. Both projects were designed to attract daily citizen activity and engagement with their heritage value through information signs, public campaigns, and pedestrian accessibility. Altogether, Mayor Park’s policy shows a crucial shift in attention towards experiential heritage, in which industrial architecture is firmly placed within the national heritage narrative.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to understand the link between nationalism and political stability through the comparison of nation-building projects in Tanzania and Kenya. This will be done through...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to understand the link between nationalism and political stability through the comparison of nation-building projects in Tanzania and Kenya. This will be done through the analysis of the political speeches and policies of Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta as the first presidents of Tanzania and Kenya respectively. The public perception of these leaders and their nation-building projects will also be discussed. It is the conclusion of this thesis that Julius Nyerere used both rhetoric and policy to create a unified Tanzanian identity based on core values which led to political stability throughout his administration and beyond. Meanwhile, Jomo Kenyatta failed to create a unified Kenyan identity through policies and rhetoric that divided the country along ethnic lines. These divisions have caused political instability in Kenya both during and following Kenyatta’s presidency. Ultimately, the creation of a unified national identity played a key role in stability in Tanzania and the lack of unity played a key role in instability in Kenya.Show less
Narratives in public discourse in Poland as reaction to the recent international media publications. To what extent did the narrative of public discourse in Poland change with regard to the...Show moreNarratives in public discourse in Poland as reaction to the recent international media publications. To what extent did the narrative of public discourse in Poland change with regard to the discourse of national identity and the perception of the European Union between accession to the European Union and recent political developments in 2018?Show less
For several decades in the twentieth century, the order of Friars Minor Capuchin was entrusted with the responsibility of overseeing and administrating Colombia's public education system. This...Show moreFor several decades in the twentieth century, the order of Friars Minor Capuchin was entrusted with the responsibility of overseeing and administrating Colombia's public education system. This thesis assesses their role as a nationalizing agent in the Colombian Amazon on the border with Brazil and Peru.Show less
This research puts a focus on the presentation of the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran in contemporary schoolbooks used on primary schools in Iran in 2016. As a conclusion, I argue that the...Show moreThis research puts a focus on the presentation of the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran in contemporary schoolbooks used on primary schools in Iran in 2016. As a conclusion, I argue that the current Iranian regime legitimizes its power through a certain presentation of the modern history of Iran after the Iranian Revolution of 1979. Notions of nationalism and Islam are important and point to a certain framing of descriptions around events such as the Iranian Revolution, the Iran-Iraq War and Iran's relations with the 'West'. Education therefore seems to be used as a powerful tool by the current government of the Islamic Republic of Iran.Show less
