Efforts to tackle the global climate crisis are increasingly complicated by the rise of right-wing populism (RWP) and persistent geopolitical crises. This paper investigates the understudied...Show moreEfforts to tackle the global climate crisis are increasingly complicated by the rise of right-wing populism (RWP) and persistent geopolitical crises. This paper investigates the understudied intersection of these challenges by analyzing how do right-wing populists use nationalist rhetoric to influence climate change action in times of geopolitical crisis? The question is explored with a focus on the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) party of Poland, in particular its discourse in parliamentary committee sessions amidst the Russian war against Ukraine and subsequent energy crisis. Through a discourse analysis, it was found that the war served as a justification for PiS to concentrate on short-term solutions prioritizing fossil-fuel based energy security. Polish RWP capitalized on the war-induced crisis by using nationalist rhetoric to undermine the energy transition away from coal and EU climate measures. These findings underscore how geopolitical crises and political ideologies can create significant barriers to effective global climate action.Show less
Linkages between nature and nationalism are re-emerging, gaining momentum on the political agenda of far-right actors. To examine this intersection, this research employs the theoretical framework...Show moreLinkages between nature and nationalism are re-emerging, gaining momentum on the political agenda of far-right actors. To examine this intersection, this research employs the theoretical framework of Forchtner and Kølvraa (2015), focused on the aesthetic, material and symbolic dimensions of nature in nationalism. Considering the aforementioned elements, this analysis offers insights into the field of right-wing rhetoric using Poland as a case study. This paper finds that although these categories can be analytically productive, the reality of far-right communication showcases the interplay of these dimensions. In essence, this research displays how the far-right actors find justification for the nationalist narratives within the concept of nature by referencing the nation’s resource sovereignty, national identity, history or beauty of unspoiled natural landscapes.Show less
This thesis examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on transatlantic relations through a neoclassical realist perspective. It tests the hypothesis that the sustained conflict would...Show moreThis thesis examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on transatlantic relations through a neoclassical realist perspective. It tests the hypothesis that the sustained conflict would foster nationalist and regionalist sentiment, leading to continued divergence in the transatlantic alliance. The paper does this by employing a holistic grading method to analyze nationalist and European regionalist rhetoric in speeches from key Western leaders, specifically French President Emmanuel Macron, American President Joe Biden, and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz. Contrary to initial expectations, the findings indicate that nationalist and European regionalist sentiments have not significantly increased among these leaders. Consequently, the US-EU relationship remains on a convergent path, suggesting resilience in the liberal international order.Show less
This thesis demonstrates that the famous British painter J.M.W. Turner should not just be seen as a painter of landscapes and marine paintings, but also as a topographical artist. Topography, the...Show moreThis thesis demonstrates that the famous British painter J.M.W. Turner should not just be seen as a painter of landscapes and marine paintings, but also as a topographical artist. Topography, the representation of specific places or monuments, played a major role throughout his career. Proof of this can be found not only in the sketches, drawings, and paintings that he produced, but also in his training and teaching. Moreover, this thesis touches upon the influence of reproduction techniques and the importance of his social network for Turner's topographical production.Show less
The thesis investigates the potential causes behind the differing responses given by South Korea and Taiwan in the aftermath of the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami disaster using a qualitative...Show moreThe thesis investigates the potential causes behind the differing responses given by South Korea and Taiwan in the aftermath of the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami disaster using a qualitative thick description analysis. This work contributes to the field of soft power by conducting a case study: this field is often criticized for its lack of empirical evidence. This topic is important as it posits a causal relationship between Japanese soft power and the differing levels of responses given, showing that soft power has visible and tangible effects. The research question was as follows: what explains the differences in Taiwanese and South Korean support following the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami? Based on the research it was found that many factors, namely nationalism, historical relations, and the individual country’s soft power resources as mediating factors to Japan’s soft power.Show less
The acknowledgement of climate change as a contemporary existential threat to humankind has been prompting scholarly debate on how it might influence the future of nation-states, nationalism, and...Show moreThe acknowledgement of climate change as a contemporary existential threat to humankind has been prompting scholarly debate on how it might influence the future of nation-states, nationalism, and their makings. This theoretical discussion has notably included the question of whether appealing to the emotions of nationalism could make national communities willing to make the effort and sacrifice needed to tackle climate change. It remains to be questioned, however, what are the implications of resorting to the affective blueprint provided by nationalism in the era of climate change in both scholarship and policymaking. By performing Qualitative Content Analysis and Emotional Discourse Analysis, this work aims to address this question by empirically mapping the narratives and emotions of the nationalist environmental rhetoric of President Jair Bolsonaro’s administration in Brazil, one that portrays climate change as a threat to the nation-state’s identity and sovereignty and yet explicitly advances climate denialism. The empirical results indicate three core problems with the emotions of nationalism in the era of climate change as they entail five distinct types of exclusions. It is hoped that this research can provide evidence of what the implications of resorting to nationalism may be as far-right nativist populism makes its way into global politics. Importantly, it also seeks to dialogue with attempts at creating typologies of national discourses engaging with climate change and with methodological efforts to systematically incorporate emotions as a promising level of analysis in International Relations research.Show less
Based on NGO websites, media coverage and different governmental institutions, this paper investigates the recent recurrence of the term Migun wianbu to describe U.S. camp-town prostitutes. The...Show moreBased on NGO websites, media coverage and different governmental institutions, this paper investigates the recent recurrence of the term Migun wianbu to describe U.S. camp-town prostitutes. The term wianbu holds connections to the highly politicised comfort women (wianbu) issue. I argue in this paper that based on similarities of the two cases, it is fair to describe camp town prostitutes as comfort women. In the research I conclude that NGOs have started using the term in recent years to gain awareness for the cause, as to get justice for the lawsuit levelled against the government regarding the government’s involvement in the issue. Conservative media outlets are seen as hesitant to then also use the term wianbu, opting rather for the more neutral kijich’on yŏsŏng (camp town women), whereas more progressive media use Migun wianbu with some regularity.Show less
With the drastic shift started by the Meiji Revolution in 1868 and the opening of Japan’s borders also came a need to create a national Japanese identity, and one of several ways to achieve this...Show moreWith the drastic shift started by the Meiji Revolution in 1868 and the opening of Japan’s borders also came a need to create a national Japanese identity, and one of several ways to achieve this was to create a standardised national language. Ueda Kazutoshi stood at the forefront of this movement, advocating for the conceptualisation of kokugo, the national language, and in turn educational reforms which would implement this national language for the improvement and modernisation of the Japanese empire. In the book, Kokugo no tame, he goes into further detail on how to achieve this. This thesis looks at how idealistic and influenced by nationalism Ueda’s Kokugo no tame is by reading, interpreting and finally reflecting on his writings found in the book, as there is discourse on its abstract nature and its achievability. This thesis finds that Ueda’s writings were heavily influenced by the new social context of Meiji Japan and its recent victory in the First Sino-Japanese War, and that with the limitations that nationalism and racialisation bring, it also put limits on the feasibility of Ueda’s envisioned kokugo. While achievable in some ways with concrete ideas on how to implement kokugo, and indeed Ueda’s writings did set up the foundation of language standardisation, it is also the caveats made by Ueda on how kokugo should be educated under nationalist terms which made it more difficult to bring it to fruition according to Ueda’s ways.Show less
De Tweede Boerenoorlog in Zuidelijk Afrika aan het einde van de negentiende eeuw bracht veel teweeg onder de gemoederen in Nederland. Veel mensen steunden de Boeren, die grotendeels afstammelingen...Show moreDe Tweede Boerenoorlog in Zuidelijk Afrika aan het einde van de negentiende eeuw bracht veel teweeg onder de gemoederen in Nederland. Veel mensen steunden de Boeren, die grotendeels afstammelingen waren van Nederlandse kolonisten. Door middel van een bottom-up benadering van nationalisme richt dit onderzoek zich op de steun die van onderaf ontstond voor de Boeren, zowel als het gaat om liefdadigheidsinitiatieven als om advertenties voor de Boeren en hoe die tot uiting werd gebracht. Concluderend toont dit onderzoek aan dat, ondanks onderlinge verschillen, mensen uit allerlei verschillende zuilen, klassen en hoeken van Nederland steun betuigden aan de Boeren. Het is het bewijs dat het Nederlandse nationalisme was gegroeid en uitgebreid naar gebieden en mensen die buiten de welgestelde, protestantse en stedelijke elite van Holland vielen.Show less
During the partition, more than twelve million people crossed the border to reach Pakistan or India, soon communal violence roared in which women, out of revenge and hatred, became the victim of...Show moreDuring the partition, more than twelve million people crossed the border to reach Pakistan or India, soon communal violence roared in which women, out of revenge and hatred, became the victim of sexual violence at the hands of the other ethnic community. One of the major issues plaguing women was the widespread abductions of women by men from the other ethnic community in which many women were stuck on the other side of the border. Soon after, an interdominion agreement was drafted to recover abducted women from Pakistan to India and vice versa. In 1949 this agreement was discussed again to be renewed and possibly amended. The Constituent Assembly transcript of this debate that lasted for four days has been used to investigate through critical discourse analysis which roles of women within ethnicity are reproduced and to what extent. This thesis has used the framework from Anthias and Yuval-Davis to define those roles. Women's roles as boundaries, signifiers of difference, and biological reproducers become highly visible in the debate and most of all point to one issue: the lack of autonomy and representation of the voices of abducted women. Moreover, while the distinct roles of Anthias and Yuval-Davis are helpful, they lack a relational approach to the prescribed roles of women and men.Show less
Ilminjuŭi is generally known for an ideology that President Syngman Rhee attempted to use in the early years of the First Republic in order to create a single-minded unity. There are many writings...Show moreIlminjuŭi is generally known for an ideology that President Syngman Rhee attempted to use in the early years of the First Republic in order to create a single-minded unity. There are many writings about Syngman Rhee, and he is often portrayed as a nationalist and staunch anti-communist. However, the part where he tried to promote Ilminjuŭi and how this ideology functioned during his rule, often gets overlooked. Ilminjuŭi has been only a minor focus of studies on Syngman Rhee and his long career of fighting for an independent Korea and for what he thought was right. Most of the existing literature explain what Ilminjuŭi is, who created it, and that Rhee tried to use this idea of creating a single-minded unity during the early years First Republic, before the start of the Korean War. This thesis therefore distinguishes from existing literature by looking at primary sources from Korean news articles during the time of the entire First Republic. The news articles are used to give an idea how Ilminjuŭi was reported through media and how this idea was being disseminated. The ideology seems to have died out shortly after the Rhee period. Therefore, I went on an academic journey to analyze how and where this ideology was most influential, and where was the turning point that led to Ilminjuŭi becoming less influential in Korean society. The research questions of my thesis are therefore, “How was Ilminjuŭi spread and reported through media, and spread by the government during the First Republic?” and secondly, “What were possible indicators that led to the vanishment of Ilminjuŭi?”.Show less
This thesis examines political attitudes towards different groups of migrants arriving in Britain between 1948 and 1971. Specifically, it examines how the creation of the National Health Service ...Show moreThis thesis examines political attitudes towards different groups of migrants arriving in Britain between 1948 and 1971. Specifically, it examines how the creation of the National Health Service (NHS) in 1948 influenced attitudes towards different migrant groups. It pays close attention to racial inequalities comparing the different receptions of predominantly black and brown migrant groups from the New Commonwealth states and the predominantly white migrant groups from continental Europe and Old Commonwealth states. Methodologically it uses a combination of close and distant reading techniques on parliamentary transcripts and civil service records, particularly from the British Ministry of Health. The central finding is that far from migrants being treated with universal scepticism, there was a very clear hierarchy of desirability into which different migrant groups were sorted, and further that this hierarchy was structured around perceived racial difference.Show less
The lingering dispute between Cambodia and Thailand over the ancient Temple of Preah Vihear has still not been resolved. This may seem strange from the point of view of international law. In 1962,...Show moreThe lingering dispute between Cambodia and Thailand over the ancient Temple of Preah Vihear has still not been resolved. This may seem strange from the point of view of international law. In 1962, the International Court of Justice made a ruling on this issue, which should have resolved the dispute between the two countries. The ongoing dispute is, in fact, an indicator of the more comprehensive problem of demarcation of the past. The origins of the Preah Vihear Temple border conflict date back to colonial times and the subsequent decolonization period. During those times, both Cambodia and Thailand made efforts to augment their territorial sovereignty and to promote nationalism. The conflict thus created unfortunately continues to this day. The temple dispute has always been ready to erupt under the right circumstances if it suited Thai and Cambodian politicians. Moreover, the negative images and memories between Thailand and Cambodia have never ceased to exist, but are instead carefully maintained for political purposes. Such perspectives make it highly unlikely that the Preah Vihear issue will be resolved any time soon. Thai and Cambodian leaders have become stuck in a cycle of distrust about border issues that has been going on for many decades. The Preah Vihear dispute shows just how fragile Thai-Cambodian relations really are. The painful historical background, along with nationalist sentiments in the unfinished development of nation-building in both countries, is thwarting the formation of good relations. Preah Vihear, the temple on the border, has remained at the center of bilateral anxiety. This place of consecration has thus become a bone of contention.Show less
This thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the (pre)colonial era, and the BDP (Botswana Democratic Party) and ZANU(PF) (Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front) in the late colonial and postcolonial period, to identify what particularities in Botswana’s and Zimbabwe’s historical trajectories explain the divergence between the stance of BDP and ZANU(PF) leadership on the decriminalization of same-sex relations (SSR). The Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana started with a similar outlook on SSR, and in both countries, the British colonial administration imposed penal codes that criminalize(d) SSR. Yet, while BDP leadership grew gradually more supportive of the eventual decriminalization of SSR in 2019, ZANU(PF) leadership has strongly opposed to repealing the colonial-era penal codes. The different (de)colonization process and degree of colonial domination in each country appear to have the strongest explanatory power for these diverging outcomes. Many scholars have linked homophobia to masculinity and patriarchy. At the same time, colonial rule is widely believed to have undermined African masculinities and destabilized existing gender roles, and scholars have argued that misogyny, hyper-masculinity, and homophobia in African nationalist movements can be seen as a reaction to feelings of emasculation among African men. Colonial rule was significantly less invasive in Botswana, and the transition to independence mostly peaceful. Resultantly, there was no strong feeling of colonial domination among Botswanans, and anti-(neo)colonial rhetoric had little value as a source of political support. Thus, homosexuality never became conflated with (neo)colonialism in BDP nationalism, because it never centered on anti-(neo)colonialism to begin with. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s invasive colonial experience and arduous independence struggle created a strong sense of colonial domination among male independence leaders, who experienced it as ‘emasculation,’ and used misogyny and homophobia in attempt to restore a position of patriarchal power. At the same time, the rejection of homosexuality became a way to challenge colonial narratives about African sexuality and masculinity that were used to justify their abasement. Resultantly, the conflation of emasculation and homosexuality with colonial subjugation featured prominently in ZANU(PF)’s anti-colonial nationalism. The influence of Fanonesque and Marxist-Leninist thought further deepened homophobic sentiments in ZANU(PF) nationalism, while these schools of thought were absent from BDP nationalism. There is also scholarly consensus that European missionaries played an active role in codifying homosexuality as ‘immoral’ in Africa, and scholars argue that as Christianity became heavily politicized in the region, so did homosexuality. In that sense, homophobia, much like Christianity, is a political tool in contemporary Africa. Limited imposition of colonial rule and Tswana-controlled integration of Christianity may have further limited the inculcation of European (missionary) notions of sexuality and immorality in BDP nationalism. Moreover, unlike BDP nationalism, ZANU(PF) nationalism was organized around anti-colonialism, and this social glue lost its power once independence was achieved. This necessitated the creation of a new common enemy, while socioeconomic underperformance and declining public support incentivized the creation of a scapegoat to deflect criticism. Political homophobia became part of the creation of this new common enemy and scapegoat, and gained its legitimacy from Zimbabwe’s (de)colonization experience. With steady economic development and widespread public support after independence, there was less of an incentive for the BDP to use sexual minorities as a scapegoat.Show less
Recent trends within contemporary terrorism studies indicate that the right-wing is widely understood as a growing security concern. Germany’s political spectrum comprises an extensive right-wing,...Show moreRecent trends within contemporary terrorism studies indicate that the right-wing is widely understood as a growing security concern. Germany’s political spectrum comprises an extensive right-wing, causing the country to be among the largest targets of extreme right terrorism within Europe. This study aims to examine the nature of this developing trend of terrorism within Germany between 2015 and 2019. This research will analyse two terrorism datasets to explore the common characteristics of German right-wing extremists, as well as shortly examining the overall terrorism landscape in the country. This thesis argues that the right-wing is the leading source for terrorism in the country. The results add that Germany’s right-wing terrorism experiences an initial spark due to societal changes, and is still predominantly preoccupied with anti-refugee sentiments, a trend which emerged in the mid-1990s. Even though certain right-wing groups are more active than others, there seems to be overlap regarding the motives, targets, and objectives. The nationalist and xenophobic components of the right-wing are also clearly highlighted in the country.Show less
