This thesis focuses on Dutch foreign policy towards Japan during the tumultuous Bakumatsu Period (1853-1868) and situates said foreign policy within the broader context of Dutch neutrality and...Show moreThis thesis focuses on Dutch foreign policy towards Japan during the tumultuous Bakumatsu Period (1853-1868) and situates said foreign policy within the broader context of Dutch neutrality and imperialism of the nineteenth century. The study concludes that even though the Dutch government viewed the Netherlands as a small power in Europe, it was a large imperial power in Asia, and as such it had to pursue active foreign policy in East/Southeast Asia to protect Dutch interests in light of encroaching Western imperialism in the region. Contrary to previous studies, this thesis argues that Dutch neutrality did not imply passivity, but instead proved to be a unique form of Dutch foreign policy amidst larger imperial powers and Japan, in which the ingenuity, character and actions of Dutch actors in Japan was crucial.Show less
This thesis study aims to satisfy the need for a composite intersectional study examining the cross-border spread of the flight of Afghans and the attitude of the major donor-system of the...Show moreThis thesis study aims to satisfy the need for a composite intersectional study examining the cross-border spread of the flight of Afghans and the attitude of the major donor-system of the international community and its affiliated humanitarian organisations, such as the UN and the ICRC. The main hypothesis for which an exploration shall be sought is as follows. Strongly tied to the regional escalation of the Afghan refugee crisis, the international security dilemma has burdened an efficient approach to aid assistance of major humanitarian actors during and after the Cold War. An inquiry into the relevance of this expansive statement may result into a multi-layered explanation. Over a timespan of several decades, well before the turn of the century and many more recently, many Afghans have fled their homes to nations sometimes far and sometimes closer to home, into Iran and Pakistan which have functioned as host nations ever since the Soviet invasion of 1979. The latter host, Pakistan, has recently had severe difficulties with the high number of refugees flooding local border towns and into its second-to largest city Karachi. Host-fatigue appears to have caused police brutalities towards refugees who have settled in Karachi and Quetta, the latter being a popular destination among Pashtun refugees who have travelled across the Durand Line border for decades. The problematic attitudes of local government forces have sparked shock among the Pashtun refugee community, resulting in a group of tribal leaders organising a peaceful protest movement named the PTM. Such spurs of feelings of discontent with the status quo may very well result into less favourable protest movements, such has the past demonstrated. The plight of the Afghan cause ties into the extent of the security concerns of major international powers. Since the donors of the international aid system are often the ‘big players’ and member to the, however fictional, international community, the Afghan refugees are dependent of and victim to the mood swings of these actors.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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Recent research of internal conflict has changed the conception of civil war from the clash of two major actors along clearly defined political cleavages because of both theoretical considerations...Show moreRecent research of internal conflict has changed the conception of civil war from the clash of two major actors along clearly defined political cleavages because of both theoretical considerations and observations of civil wars in the post-Cold War era. On one hand, micro-level inquiries of civil wars concentrate on the importance of local issues in civil war environments and call attention to the fact that such local considerations are usually more important in participation and picking sides than past research assumed. On the other hand, the binary perception of civil wars also challenged by the increase in the number of symmetrical non-conventional (SNC) civil wars, fought mainly in multiethnic states and by actors with balanced, yetmutually low military capabilities. I argue that in this type of warfare actors feel less compelled to realign along the main cleavage of the conflict as it has been shown by research on the fluidity of groupallegiance in such wars. By looking at the cases of the Armenian community during Lebanon’s 1975-1990 civil war and the Baggara tribes of South Darfur in the Darfur conflict since 2003 I argue that SNC wars provide a good chance for pursuing neutral strategies. I argue that these neutral strategies are shaped by the values of two variables: the cohesion of the political leadership of the group and the relation between local intercommunal and supralocal national cleavages.Show less
