Copying other artists' paintings was an essential practice in the nineteenth century and has a rich culture. For art students, copying and that way learning from the old masters was seen as a vital...Show moreCopying other artists' paintings was an essential practice in the nineteenth century and has a rich culture. For art students, copying and that way learning from the old masters was seen as a vital element of their education. Also for artists it was essential to control the techniques of great artists to develop their inventiveness. The Sistine Madonna altarpiece by Raphael (1483-1520) was famous among students and artists who wanted to copy Raphael’s painting skills, sell a copy on the art market, or keep it in their possession. This painting also caught the attention of Paul Tétar van Elven (1823-1896), a Dutch artist who made nine painted (partial) copies of the Sistine Madonna next to some drawings. However, some of Tétar's copies are not faithfully copied, but instead, he has managed to add his own touches. This research investigates the copying culture and creative freedom of copyists in the nineteenth century, treating the copies of the Sistine Madonna by Paul Tétar van Elven after Raphael as a case study. The research question of this thesis therefore addresses the context in which the nineteenth-century Dutch artist Paul Tétar van Elven added his own touches to his (partial) copies of the Sistine Madonna after Raphael.Show less
This thesis aims to shed light on legal practice of the nineteenth century in France and The Netherlands and contrast it with legal theory and current historiography. In both older and newer French...Show moreThis thesis aims to shed light on legal practice of the nineteenth century in France and The Netherlands and contrast it with legal theory and current historiography. In both older and newer French and Dutch historiography, the nineteenth century is described as the century of legalism, also referred to as exegetical thinking. This exegetical school of law considers the codified law to be the highest and practically the only source of law on which the judge and legal scholar must rely. This historiography is mainly based on the development of legal theory as practised at universities. Implicitly or sometimes even explicitly, legal practice is equated with this legal theory. This fallacy obscures the practice of law, which did not take place in the university or the chambers of scholars, but in the courtroom. To address this lacuna, the following question was answered: To what extent was legalism in the Netherlands and the exegetical school in France really the dominant approach in legal practice and how can possible differences between both countries be explained? In order to know the practice of law and to assess whether judges, like legal theorists, were under the spell of exegetical thinking, judgments of courts were analysed. These can be found in case law journals that emerged in the nineteenth century. This study looked specifically at the judges' references to case law; the work of colleagues. The reference to case law is contrary to the doctrine of the exegetical school which accepts codification as the sole source of law. Referral to sources of law outside the codification by the courts, either implicit or explicit, imply a freer attitude towards the codification than legal scholars of the nineteenth century and current historiography would have us believe. Analysis of approximately two thousand Dutch and French judgments throughout the nineteenth century showed a difference in the quantity and nature of the references between both countries. In France, judges themselves referred explicitly to specific case law or to case law in general, whereas in the Netherlands judges did not refer to case law themselves, but relied on the arguments of the litigants and the Advocate-General, who did explicitly invoke case law. My research gives cause to adjust the image of nineteenth century legal history. The nineteenth-century judge was a child of his time, but not a puppet of legal theory. Lex semper dabit remedium: The law always provides a remedy; this was the starting point, but case law often supplemented it. The demonstrated difference between legal theory and legal practice fits within a broader development in current historiography, emphasising continuity of politics, culture, and in this case legal practices, in the wake of the French Revolution.Show less
Henriëtta Geertruij Knip (1783-1842) who descended from a humble background and lived in a time of great political upheaval and limited possibilities for women to establish a professional career as...Show moreHenriëtta Geertruij Knip (1783-1842) who descended from a humble background and lived in a time of great political upheaval and limited possibilities for women to establish a professional career as a painter, managed to do just that. She was part of the Knip family, a dynasty of painters that started of with her father Nicolaas Frederik Knip (1741-1808). She was not the first in the tradition of women painters in the Netherlands. The seventeenth and eighteenth century had offered chances, provided that there was an artistic or educated background. This was still the same at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Only through schooling by her father and thanks to the favourable connection with Gerard van Spaendonck (1756-1839) could a professional career as a painter be possible for a woman like Henriëtta Geertruij Knip. Apart from proven talent, there was financial necessity to train as many family members as possible, in case support was needed. This was the reason the Knip relatives worked together. It was possible for Henriëtta Geertruij Knip to travel to Paris by herself because two of her brothers were already there and she could stay in Maison Buffon under the supervision of Gerard van Spaendonck. She was probably financially supported by her older brother Josephus Augustus Knip (1777-1847), who was also a painter. Although Van Spaendonck had several women pupils, Henriëtta Geertruij Knip was the only one Dutch. She started out with botanical drawings and flower and fruit still lifes in water colour but after 1822 she would paint in oil paint. For this she was schooled in Paris again, this time by Jan Frans van Dael (1764-1840). She was trained in a traditional eighteenth century style but later works show elements of Romanticism when bouquets contained less different types of flowers and were placed in a more natural setting. Thirty-two works have been found that could have been made by Henriëtta Geertruij Knip but only ten are signed and dated and six are signed. If this number should prove to be true this means she produced less than one work per year during the estimated fourty-four years of her working life. This would mean that the money she generated from teaching made up the larger part of her income. However, it is more likely the location of many works is unknown or that works got lost. When looked at the careers of fellow women pupils of Gerard van Spaendonck and Jan Frans van Dael it is clear that these women took their painting very seriously and made it into their formal careers even though some may not have depended on the income. This having been her example it is no surprise that Henriëtta Geertruij Knip took part in the very first Tentoonstelling van Levende Meesters that was held in 1808 in the Netherlands. She was the only woman who did so together with her then sister-in-law Pauline Knip-Rifer de Courcelles (1781-1851). Henriëtta Geertruij Knip took part ten times and always together with relatives, like her older brother Josephus Augustus Knip, nephew Augustus Knip (1819-1859/1861) and/or her niece Henriëtte Ronner-Knip (1821-1909). Until 1821 she took part with water colours and from 1830 onwards she presented herself with oil paintings. Most of the times she participated with less works than her relatives and works were not always for sale. Nevertheless she presented herself as a professional painter with a steady work flow. Although Henriëtta Geertruij Knip had many pupils, the name of only one is still known, Elisabeth Johanna Stapert (1816-1887). The reason could be that she had a career as well. She also generated an income through teaching and taking part in exhibitions but got married later in life, although she did not stop working. Other women artists who came after Henriëtta Geertruij Knip like her niece Henriëtte Ronner-Knip, Sientje Mesdag-van Houten (1834-1909) and Thérèse Schwartze (1851-1918) all had more opportunities to present themselves in art societies like Arti et Amicitiae in Amsterdam and Pulchri Studio in The Hague. These had not been there during Henriëtta Geertruij Knip’s days. By 1871 and 1872 it would even have been possible to receive vocational training at the art academies of Amsterdam or The Hague. All aforementioned women were still trained by their fathers or other painters. The fact that they had successful careers in different genres than flower still lifes with many memberships in art societies and husbands that supported them, does show that opportunities had expanded as the nineteenth century progressed. Nevertheless, at the beginning of the nineteenth century Henriëtta Geertruij Knip seized opportunities like training in Paris, taking part in the Tentoonstellingen van Levende Meesters. She was sensitive to new developments in art, participated in the Knip family and was well able to earn her own income and present herself as a professional artist.Show less
This thesis exlores the interlinkage between cats and women in the domestic sphere. It goes into the more overall image and treatment of cats around 1900, but also more explicitly within the...Show moreThis thesis exlores the interlinkage between cats and women in the domestic sphere. It goes into the more overall image and treatment of cats around 1900, but also more explicitly within the domestic sphere and the ideal of domesticity. However, the final chapter demonstrates how cats could actually be utilized by women to escapte the narrow notion of domesticity. Animal agency and the animal experience are important factors as well.Show less
De Militaire Willemsorde, a Dutch play by Rosier Faassen, can be found in the Special Collections of the Leiden University Library. It exists in several different versions, in print as well as a...Show moreDe Militaire Willemsorde, a Dutch play by Rosier Faassen, can be found in the Special Collections of the Leiden University Library. It exists in several different versions, in print as well as a manuscript in beautiful nineteenth century script, dating from 1873 until presumably 1885. This historical drama about a family torn apart by a young soldier going to war had never since been edited. After all these years, a new edition was made so that yet again this humorous play with experiences recognizable to many generations can be performed and studied anew. Furthermore, a biographical element also appears in the edition whereby parts of Faassen’s auto-biography, which also has not been edited since the late nineteenth century, was used. To provide access to the text for a broader audience, the text was translated from Dutch to English. Much of the same considerations being used to edit the text were also used to prepare the translation. Hunter’s Editing Early Modern Texts as well as Mathijsen’s Naar de Letter was used in the editing process, as a framework and point of guidance. The edition takes the form of what Mathijsen calls a ‘study-edition’ , and contains a historical, critical edition of the text, as well as a justification of the choice of copy text, extensive commentary on the text, including historical and biographical information as well as a stylistic analysis of the text (based on Leech and Short). The translation is preceded by a theoretical framework on the process and strategies that were used in the translation of this drama from the nineteenth century. The overall procedure for the translation of the text was centered around the notions of domestication versus foreignization (Venuti) as well as notions of historicization and modernization, and performability (Bassnett and Lefevere). Vinay and Darbelnet’s translation procedures were discussed and used in the annotated translation, to describe the procedures used for the variety of translation problems that arose during the process. Lefevere’s work on translation as rewriting is especially relevant here, as he also remarks that “the same basic process of rewriting is at work in translation, historiography, anthologization, criticism, and editing” (9). In Lefevere’s words lies the suggestion that a natural relationship exists between translation studies and the world of the editor and philologist, which in reality seems to be a struggled one. Translation is often underrated by philologists, with their translated texts being used for instrumental purposes. A discussion about the mutual importance of translation and philology, and the recognition awarded in their respective fields was necessary here. The question: “How can the fields of philology and translation be reconciled in the edition and translation of De Militaire Willemsorde?” is answered in the final chapter.Show less
De Militaire Willemsorde, a Dutch play by Rosier Faassen, can be found in the Special Collections of the Leiden University Library. It exists in several different versions, in print as well as a...Show moreDe Militaire Willemsorde, a Dutch play by Rosier Faassen, can be found in the Special Collections of the Leiden University Library. It exists in several different versions, in print as well as a manuscript in beautiful nineteenth century script, dating from 1873 until presumably 1885. This historical drama about a family torn apart by a young soldier going to war had never since been edited. After all these years, a new edition was made so that yet again this humorous play with experiences recognizable to many generations can be performed and studied anew. Furthermore, a biographical element also appears in the edition whereby parts of Faassen’s auto-biography, which also has not been edited since the late nineteenth century, was used. To provide access to the text for a broader audience, the text was translated from Dutch to English. Much of the same considerations being used to edit the text were also used to prepare the translation. Hunter’s Editing Early Modern Texts as well as Mathijsen’s Naar de Letter was used in the editing process, as a framework and point of guidance. The edition takes the form of what Mathijsen calls a ‘study-edition’ , and contains a historical, critical edition of the text, as well as a justification of the choice of copy text, extensive commentary on the text, including historical and biographical information as well as a stylistic analysis of the text (based on Leech and Short). The translation is preceded by a theoretical framework on the process and strategies that were used in the translation of this drama from the nineteenth century. The overall procedure for the translation of the text is centered around the notions of domestication versus foreignization (Venuti) as well as notions of historicization and modernization, and performability (Bassnett and Lefevere). Vinay and Darbelnet’s translation procedures were discussed and used in the annotated translation, to describe the procedures used for the variety of translation problems that arose during the process. Lefevere’s work on translation as rewriting is especially relevant here, as he also remarks that “the same basic process of rewriting is at work in translation, historiography, anthologization, criticism, and editing” (9). In Lefevere’s words lies the suggestion that a natural relationship exists between translation studies and the world of the editor and philologist, which in reality seems to be a struggled one. Translation is often underrated by philologists, with their translated texts being used for instrumental purposes. A discussion about the mutual importance of translation and philology, and the recognition awarded in their respective fields was necessary here. The question: “How can the fields of philology and translation be reconciled in the edition and translation of De Militaire Willemsorde?” is answered in the final chapter.Show less
This edition contains 26 letters from the Doesburg Letter Collection (1777 -1822) focusing on its female correspondents. The letters give an exceptional insight into the personal lives of men and...Show moreThis edition contains 26 letters from the Doesburg Letter Collection (1777 -1822) focusing on its female correspondents. The letters give an exceptional insight into the personal lives of men and women from all layers of the population in a time in Dutch history that was marked by almost constant war and the subsequent political, social and economic changes that came with these conflicts. Many of the letters are signed by women, which make the letter collection a rare source, since not many writings have been preserved from women living in this period, especially not from the lower class. For this reason, this edition focuses entirely on the female correspondence of the collection. The letters for this edition were chosen based on their geographic variation in order to give a broad picture not only of the lives of women from Doesburg, but from all over the Netherlands in the regarding period. To place the letters into context, this edition includes: an overview of the history of the Netherlands and Doesburg in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, of reading and writing in the Low Countries, of the position of women in the Netherlands, and provides a sketch of the Dutch postal system between 1777-1822.Show less
This thesis focuses on the period at the end of the nineteenth century when knowledge of the colonized cultures and their histories became an integral part of European imperial policies. In the...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the period at the end of the nineteenth century when knowledge of the colonized cultures and their histories became an integral part of European imperial policies. In the search for tools legitimizing their overseas venture, architecture turned out to be one of the most visual and lasting tools for boosting such efforts. It is precisely by exploring this aspect of empire-building through architecture that my thesis attempts to redress the lacunae of historical research on colonial architecture as a measure for studying colonial history. Conventional historiography has largely neglected this aspect of empire-building, leaving much of it for architects, urbanists and art historians to deal with. Most of the scholarly contributions to colonial architecture have not yet been able to sufficiently expose the underlying imperial designs or the socio-cultural processes behind such building projects. In this thesis, I have made attempts to trace these processes and examine them from a comparative perspective using Foucault’s power/knowledge dimension. By pitching the three former Asian colonies of British-India, Dutch-Indies and French-Indochina next to each other and analysing the hybrid architecture found in their main public buildings, the ways in which the colonial government tried to impress the people through their building styles can be revealed. They resorted to the incorporation of often randomly mixed local architectural elements into buildings which looked European otherwise. This resulted in buildings depicting hybrid architectural styles. Such designs reflected a self-proclaimed European mastery in managing knowledge of the colonized cultures. In trying to claim their legitimacy as new rulers, colonial governments went to great lengths, using the visual qualities of architecture to shield a relatively weak system. The erection of confident and mighty stone facades, however, did little to bury the lingering orientalist prejudices and the inherent unequal status of the colonizers and the colonized. In fact, the knowledge on local histories generated by the colonizers helped create local identities that gave a boost to the upcoming nationalistic movements. But there were interesting differences among the colonies though, that this comparative exercise laid bare. The nuances manifested in the different colonies in terms of the willingness to spend financial resources, the often conflicting objectives between colonial institutions, the effects of shifting colonial policies and the paradoxical underlying principles that defined those policies, and other contextual factors, led to differences in imperial policies and their consequent architectural plans. By probing into these differences as well as by highlighting the similarities cutting across all the three colonies, my thesis contributes to understanding the varying shades of colonialism through the seemingly silent yet starkly telling structures.Show less
This paper explores how ‘foreignness’, in the form of recipes, was included and excluded from nineteenth century Dutch cookbooks. This was a time of low migration in the Netherlands. However, while...Show moreThis paper explores how ‘foreignness’, in the form of recipes, was included and excluded from nineteenth century Dutch cookbooks. This was a time of low migration in the Netherlands. However, while other factors, such as political developments, the rise of the middle class and the development of more cosmopolitan identities were all important, the influence of migrants over the inclusion of foreign content in the cookbooks should not be discounted. The openness of Dutch society to these culinary innovations was indicative of attitudes in other spheres.Show less
This study analyses the function of the jesuit myth within the political debate of the netherlands in the nineteenth-century. The results show that the jesuit myth had a great impact in the...Show moreThis study analyses the function of the jesuit myth within the political debate of the netherlands in the nineteenth-century. The results show that the jesuit myth had a great impact in the relations between liberals, catholics and orthodox-protestants.Show less
This study investigates the task of the Museum of Antiquities in the nineteenth century. The aim of this research was to see if the Netherlands would fit into the international museological...Show moreThis study investigates the task of the Museum of Antiquities in the nineteenth century. The aim of this research was to see if the Netherlands would fit into the international museological developments as presented by Tony Bennett in his book The Birth of the Museum. Several publications have been reviewed on this subject in order to explore how this relatively new branch within the museum studies is researched. A theoretical framework has been outlined with two main theorists on which this historical visitor-research usually rests: Michel Foucault’s work on power relations and Pierre Bourdieu’s work on class distinction. The work of Eric Hobsbawm on nationalism and nation-states has been added as a third main theoretical thread. The empirical research has been carried out on several different types of archival documents of the Museum of Antiquities to answer the main research question. This is embedded in a short history of the Museum of Antiquities. As a comparison a short history is added of the British Museum and their interaction with the public. The outcome of this study indicates that the Dutch museological development in the nineteenth century was not the same as described by Bennett in his book. In order to account for this deviant outcome a chapter on the political and social situations of the Netherlands in general and of the city of Leiden in particular has been added.Show less
