This thesis focuses on Dutch foreign policy towards Japan during the tumultuous Bakumatsu Period (1853-1868) and situates said foreign policy within the broader context of Dutch neutrality and...Show moreThis thesis focuses on Dutch foreign policy towards Japan during the tumultuous Bakumatsu Period (1853-1868) and situates said foreign policy within the broader context of Dutch neutrality and imperialism of the nineteenth century. The study concludes that even though the Dutch government viewed the Netherlands as a small power in Europe, it was a large imperial power in Asia, and as such it had to pursue active foreign policy in East/Southeast Asia to protect Dutch interests in light of encroaching Western imperialism in the region. Contrary to previous studies, this thesis argues that Dutch neutrality did not imply passivity, but instead proved to be a unique form of Dutch foreign policy amidst larger imperial powers and Japan, in which the ingenuity, character and actions of Dutch actors in Japan was crucial.Show less
Copying other artists' paintings was an essential practice in the nineteenth century and has a rich culture. For art students, copying and that way learning from the old masters was seen as a vital...Show moreCopying other artists' paintings was an essential practice in the nineteenth century and has a rich culture. For art students, copying and that way learning from the old masters was seen as a vital element of their education. Also for artists it was essential to control the techniques of great artists to develop their inventiveness. The Sistine Madonna altarpiece by Raphael (1483-1520) was famous among students and artists who wanted to copy Raphael’s painting skills, sell a copy on the art market, or keep it in their possession. This painting also caught the attention of Paul Tétar van Elven (1823-1896), a Dutch artist who made nine painted (partial) copies of the Sistine Madonna next to some drawings. However, some of Tétar's copies are not faithfully copied, but instead, he has managed to add his own touches. This research investigates the copying culture and creative freedom of copyists in the nineteenth century, treating the copies of the Sistine Madonna by Paul Tétar van Elven after Raphael as a case study. The research question of this thesis therefore addresses the context in which the nineteenth-century Dutch artist Paul Tétar van Elven added his own touches to his (partial) copies of the Sistine Madonna after Raphael.Show less
Henriëtta Geertruij Knip (1783-1842) who descended from a humble background and lived in a time of great political upheaval and limited possibilities for women to establish a professional career as...Show moreHenriëtta Geertruij Knip (1783-1842) who descended from a humble background and lived in a time of great political upheaval and limited possibilities for women to establish a professional career as a painter, managed to do just that. She was part of the Knip family, a dynasty of painters that started of with her father Nicolaas Frederik Knip (1741-1808). She was not the first in the tradition of women painters in the Netherlands. The seventeenth and eighteenth century had offered chances, provided that there was an artistic or educated background. This was still the same at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Only through schooling by her father and thanks to the favourable connection with Gerard van Spaendonck (1756-1839) could a professional career as a painter be possible for a woman like Henriëtta Geertruij Knip. Apart from proven talent, there was financial necessity to train as many family members as possible, in case support was needed. This was the reason the Knip relatives worked together. It was possible for Henriëtta Geertruij Knip to travel to Paris by herself because two of her brothers were already there and she could stay in Maison Buffon under the supervision of Gerard van Spaendonck. She was probably financially supported by her older brother Josephus Augustus Knip (1777-1847), who was also a painter. Although Van Spaendonck had several women pupils, Henriëtta Geertruij Knip was the only one Dutch. She started out with botanical drawings and flower and fruit still lifes in water colour but after 1822 she would paint in oil paint. For this she was schooled in Paris again, this time by Jan Frans van Dael (1764-1840). She was trained in a traditional eighteenth century style but later works show elements of Romanticism when bouquets contained less different types of flowers and were placed in a more natural setting. Thirty-two works have been found that could have been made by Henriëtta Geertruij Knip but only ten are signed and dated and six are signed. If this number should prove to be true this means she produced less than one work per year during the estimated fourty-four years of her working life. This would mean that the money she generated from teaching made up the larger part of her income. However, it is more likely the location of many works is unknown or that works got lost. When looked at the careers of fellow women pupils of Gerard van Spaendonck and Jan Frans van Dael it is clear that these women took their painting very seriously and made it into their formal careers even though some may not have depended on the income. This having been her example it is no surprise that Henriëtta Geertruij Knip took part in the very first Tentoonstelling van Levende Meesters that was held in 1808 in the Netherlands. She was the only woman who did so together with her then sister-in-law Pauline Knip-Rifer de Courcelles (1781-1851). Henriëtta Geertruij Knip took part ten times and always together with relatives, like her older brother Josephus Augustus Knip, nephew Augustus Knip (1819-1859/1861) and/or her niece Henriëtte Ronner-Knip (1821-1909). Until 1821 she took part with water colours and from 1830 onwards she presented herself with oil paintings. Most of the times she participated with less works than her relatives and works were not always for sale. Nevertheless she presented herself as a professional painter with a steady work flow. Although Henriëtta Geertruij Knip had many pupils, the name of only one is still known, Elisabeth Johanna Stapert (1816-1887). The reason could be that she had a career as well. She also generated an income through teaching and taking part in exhibitions but got married later in life, although she did not stop working. Other women artists who came after Henriëtta Geertruij Knip like her niece Henriëtte Ronner-Knip, Sientje Mesdag-van Houten (1834-1909) and Thérèse Schwartze (1851-1918) all had more opportunities to present themselves in art societies like Arti et Amicitiae in Amsterdam and Pulchri Studio in The Hague. These had not been there during Henriëtta Geertruij Knip’s days. By 1871 and 1872 it would even have been possible to receive vocational training at the art academies of Amsterdam or The Hague. All aforementioned women were still trained by their fathers or other painters. The fact that they had successful careers in different genres than flower still lifes with many memberships in art societies and husbands that supported them, does show that opportunities had expanded as the nineteenth century progressed. Nevertheless, at the beginning of the nineteenth century Henriëtta Geertruij Knip seized opportunities like training in Paris, taking part in the Tentoonstellingen van Levende Meesters. She was sensitive to new developments in art, participated in the Knip family and was well able to earn her own income and present herself as a professional artist.Show less
Like other nineteenth-century reform movements in Great Britain and the United States, the vegetarian movement sought to bring about lasting change. It intertwined with other movements as disparate...Show moreLike other nineteenth-century reform movements in Great Britain and the United States, the vegetarian movement sought to bring about lasting change. It intertwined with other movements as disparate as abolitionism on the one hand and eugenics on the other. However, the change it sought was not merely institutional or social. The type of reform vegetarians advocated was at its heart something that progressed on an intimate, individual level. Changing the food one ate meant changing one’s relationship to history, tradition, culture, religion—one’s daily routines, carried out with family, in the intimacy of domestic spaces. But it also involved changes to one’s habits as a consumer, whether that meant sourcing (or creating!) new foods, growing one’s own, or even foraging in the forest for edibles. And since the foods we eat are the building blocks of our embodied selves, vegetarianism represented a fundamental change to the very substance of the human body. Because it intruded deeply into the personal realm, involving the universal daily act of eating, the discourse on eating vegetables was larger than the vegetarian movement itself, touching not only other reform movements, but facets of culture connected to class, gastronomy, colonial ties, gender and religion, to name but a few. A strange feature of late nineteenth and early twentieth-century vegetarianism—given its name—was that in many ways it was more about not eating meat than it was about eating vegetables. It is perhaps for this reason that although vegetarians had plenty to say about the virtues of vegetables, studies of vegetarianism tend to lack nuance when they situate these arguments beside what others were saying about eating vegetables, focusing largely on reactionary statements and missing other strands of discourse around vegetable eating within the mainstream. Therefore, my research takes this wider view, examining British and American vegetarian, vegetable and other cookbooks to situate the vegetarian imperative towards plant-based eating in the context of contemporary attitudes towards vegetables themselves, whether connected to vegetarianism or not.Show less
Research master thesis | Arts and Culture (research) (MA)
open access
The Jarves Collection, the first collection of early Italian art in the United States, was created by James Jackson Jarves (1818-1888) in Florence in the 1850s, and brought to the USA in 1860...Show moreThe Jarves Collection, the first collection of early Italian art in the United States, was created by James Jackson Jarves (1818-1888) in Florence in the 1850s, and brought to the USA in 1860 hoping to create a “Free Gallery of Art.” Jarves presents medieval and Renaissance Florence as a democratic and religious model for the United States to emulate. The collection thus performed an educational function, literally carrying civilization – in the form of early Italian paintings – to the United States. Considering Jarves’s role within the history of American collecting and reception of Italian art, publications have focused on placing Jarves within the American history of collecting, while giving little thought to underlying structures in Jarves’s motivations and actions in assembling and promoting his collection. As Jarves presents history as a didactic and emancipatory model for the United States, this thesis asks what his stake was in presenting early Italian art as the model of civilization. Limited to the period from the early 1850s, when Jarves starts collecting, until 1871, when the collection was sold to Yale University, this thesis focuses on Jarves’s motivations, placed within contemporary trends. It is split into three parts: the first looks at the underlying structures that influenced the make-up of the collection; the second looks at Jarves's ideas as expressed through his writings, and at their connection to his collection. The final part looks at the Jarves's main aim for his collection: the creation of a national gallery of art for the education of the American public.Show less
De Militaire Willemsorde, a Dutch play by Rosier Faassen, can be found in the Special Collections of the Leiden University Library. It exists in several different versions, in print as well as a...Show moreDe Militaire Willemsorde, a Dutch play by Rosier Faassen, can be found in the Special Collections of the Leiden University Library. It exists in several different versions, in print as well as a manuscript in beautiful nineteenth century script, dating from 1873 until presumably 1885. This historical drama about a family torn apart by a young soldier going to war had never since been edited. After all these years, a new edition was made so that yet again this humorous play with experiences recognizable to many generations can be performed and studied anew. Furthermore, a biographical element also appears in the edition whereby parts of Faassen’s auto-biography, which also has not been edited since the late nineteenth century, was used. To provide access to the text for a broader audience, the text was translated from Dutch to English. Much of the same considerations being used to edit the text were also used to prepare the translation. Hunter’s Editing Early Modern Texts as well as Mathijsen’s Naar de Letter was used in the editing process, as a framework and point of guidance. The edition takes the form of what Mathijsen calls a ‘study-edition’ , and contains a historical, critical edition of the text, as well as a justification of the choice of copy text, extensive commentary on the text, including historical and biographical information as well as a stylistic analysis of the text (based on Leech and Short). The translation is preceded by a theoretical framework on the process and strategies that were used in the translation of this drama from the nineteenth century. The overall procedure for the translation of the text was centered around the notions of domestication versus foreignization (Venuti) as well as notions of historicization and modernization, and performability (Bassnett and Lefevere). Vinay and Darbelnet’s translation procedures were discussed and used in the annotated translation, to describe the procedures used for the variety of translation problems that arose during the process. Lefevere’s work on translation as rewriting is especially relevant here, as he also remarks that “the same basic process of rewriting is at work in translation, historiography, anthologization, criticism, and editing” (9). In Lefevere’s words lies the suggestion that a natural relationship exists between translation studies and the world of the editor and philologist, which in reality seems to be a struggled one. Translation is often underrated by philologists, with their translated texts being used for instrumental purposes. A discussion about the mutual importance of translation and philology, and the recognition awarded in their respective fields was necessary here. The question: “How can the fields of philology and translation be reconciled in the edition and translation of De Militaire Willemsorde?” is answered in the final chapter.Show less
De Militaire Willemsorde, a Dutch play by Rosier Faassen, can be found in the Special Collections of the Leiden University Library. It exists in several different versions, in print as well as a...Show moreDe Militaire Willemsorde, a Dutch play by Rosier Faassen, can be found in the Special Collections of the Leiden University Library. It exists in several different versions, in print as well as a manuscript in beautiful nineteenth century script, dating from 1873 until presumably 1885. This historical drama about a family torn apart by a young soldier going to war had never since been edited. After all these years, a new edition was made so that yet again this humorous play with experiences recognizable to many generations can be performed and studied anew. Furthermore, a biographical element also appears in the edition whereby parts of Faassen’s auto-biography, which also has not been edited since the late nineteenth century, was used. To provide access to the text for a broader audience, the text was translated from Dutch to English. Much of the same considerations being used to edit the text were also used to prepare the translation. Hunter’s Editing Early Modern Texts as well as Mathijsen’s Naar de Letter was used in the editing process, as a framework and point of guidance. The edition takes the form of what Mathijsen calls a ‘study-edition’ , and contains a historical, critical edition of the text, as well as a justification of the choice of copy text, extensive commentary on the text, including historical and biographical information as well as a stylistic analysis of the text (based on Leech and Short). The translation is preceded by a theoretical framework on the process and strategies that were used in the translation of this drama from the nineteenth century. The overall procedure for the translation of the text is centered around the notions of domestication versus foreignization (Venuti) as well as notions of historicization and modernization, and performability (Bassnett and Lefevere). Vinay and Darbelnet’s translation procedures were discussed and used in the annotated translation, to describe the procedures used for the variety of translation problems that arose during the process. Lefevere’s work on translation as rewriting is especially relevant here, as he also remarks that “the same basic process of rewriting is at work in translation, historiography, anthologization, criticism, and editing” (9). In Lefevere’s words lies the suggestion that a natural relationship exists between translation studies and the world of the editor and philologist, which in reality seems to be a struggled one. Translation is often underrated by philologists, with their translated texts being used for instrumental purposes. A discussion about the mutual importance of translation and philology, and the recognition awarded in their respective fields was necessary here. The question: “How can the fields of philology and translation be reconciled in the edition and translation of De Militaire Willemsorde?” is answered in the final chapter.Show less
This edition contains 26 letters from the Doesburg Letter Collection (1777 -1822) focusing on its female correspondents. The letters give an exceptional insight into the personal lives of men and...Show moreThis edition contains 26 letters from the Doesburg Letter Collection (1777 -1822) focusing on its female correspondents. The letters give an exceptional insight into the personal lives of men and women from all layers of the population in a time in Dutch history that was marked by almost constant war and the subsequent political, social and economic changes that came with these conflicts. Many of the letters are signed by women, which make the letter collection a rare source, since not many writings have been preserved from women living in this period, especially not from the lower class. For this reason, this edition focuses entirely on the female correspondence of the collection. The letters for this edition were chosen based on their geographic variation in order to give a broad picture not only of the lives of women from Doesburg, but from all over the Netherlands in the regarding period. To place the letters into context, this edition includes: an overview of the history of the Netherlands and Doesburg in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, of reading and writing in the Low Countries, of the position of women in the Netherlands, and provides a sketch of the Dutch postal system between 1777-1822.Show less
Pieter Albert Bik (1798-1855), a Dutch colonial official, left behind an unpublished manuscript detailing his travels during his career both in Asia, especially in Japan and the Dutch East Indies,...Show morePieter Albert Bik (1798-1855), a Dutch colonial official, left behind an unpublished manuscript detailing his travels during his career both in Asia, especially in Japan and the Dutch East Indies, and in Europe, notably along the Rhine. A close examination of the manuscript suggests that Bik's interpretation of his travel experiences in Europe and overseas were remarkably similar, and that both were influenced by the burgeoning phenomenon of European tourism that was taking root along the Rhine at the time. A close reading of this source, and a brief comparative analysis, show that tourism indeed influenced the discourse of colonial travel much earlier than has so far been acknowledged. An examination of this influence calls to question several conventional presumptions of colonial history, and draws attention to a thus far seldom recognised character: the early colonial leisurely tourist. This analysis, however, requires - apart from primary research - a synthesis of the academic literatures on colonial travel on the one hand, and European tourist culture on the other.Show less
