Attempts to identify the causes of democratic transitions have been made by studying electoral procedures, electoral outcomes, political rights, and rule of law. Despite the variety of approaches...Show moreAttempts to identify the causes of democratic transitions have been made by studying electoral procedures, electoral outcomes, political rights, and rule of law. Despite the variety of approaches used, no clear mechanism has emerged. Agreement is additionally impeded by incomplete understanding of hybrid regimes, which are preponderant in the Global South. This article argues that contextualised, historicised approaches may be better placed to capture democratic transitions in sub- Saharan Africa. We employ a logistic regression analysis of four rounds of cross-national Afrobarometer survey data within a single-case study of Zanzibar. By juxtaposing assessments of Zanzibar’s status as a democracy onto a critical analysis of its experience with electoral democracy, we attempt to glean associations between democracy and power-sharing. In light of observed regional divergences in assessments of democratic quality, we argue that the question of political inclusion is central to conceptions of democracy in Zanzibar. Furthermore, we urge subsequent scholarship to articulate conceptions of democracy which align with local experiences.Show less
Consociationalism is a type of power-sharing that has been implemented throughout peace-agreements in several civil conflicts during the last decades and proved to be successful in satisfying the...Show moreConsociationalism is a type of power-sharing that has been implemented throughout peace-agreements in several civil conflicts during the last decades and proved to be successful in satisfying the major groups in dispute. Notwithstanding, feminist scholars claim that consociational settlements are detrimental for marginalized communities such as women, that are usually co-opted or ignored by state institutions that are framed to prioritize the main elite constituencies. However, saying that consociationalism is always unfavorable for women is limiting, not only because its features are not inherently against gender equality, but also because there is limited research regarding which intervening variables can induce consociational settlements in promoting women’s rights. The thesis aims at filling this academic vacuum by investigating whether consociationalism promotes women's rights with the conditions of having a feminist civil society and the international community involved in women's empowerment. Bosnia-Herzegovina and North Macedonia are the case studies selected for this analysis, as they are both consociations that experienced a civil conflict and share many socio-historical similarities. Therefore, the research question is: Does consociationalism impact gender equality? If so, under which conditions can consociationalism promote gender equality? Did Bosnia-Herzegovina, a corporative consociation, and North Macedonia, a hybrid consociationalism, promote gender equality between 2005 and 2018?Show less
Why do armed non-state groups initiate conflict after being part of a power-sharing arrangement ending a prior civil war? In response to the spike in civil wars after the end of the Cold War, peace...Show moreWhy do armed non-state groups initiate conflict after being part of a power-sharing arrangement ending a prior civil war? In response to the spike in civil wars after the end of the Cold War, peace agreements with power-sharing arrangements have long been argued to be the best civil war resolution, as a result, these have become a default tool in civil war resolution. However, in more than half of these cases, civil war did recur. Empirical research shows that power-sharing is indeed successful in stabilizing peace among former adversaries. The answer to why civil wars terminated by negotiated settlements with power-sharing start again is likely to be found within the groups included in the settlement. The problem is not so much the resolution of hostilities between (former) foes, but rather the rise of hostilities among former allies. This thesis argues that power-sharing might (temporarily) establish a balance of power between former adversaries, at the same time it negatively affects the balance of power within the groups, causing intra-group security dilemmas and rivalry leading to remobilization and initiation of conflict. This theoretical proposal is tested in a qualitative study of post-civil war Sudan and Tajikistan, by questioning how power-sharing affected the internal dynamics of the rebel groups. What made rebel groups initiate conflict again, or, why did they not?Show less
This thesis deals with the extent of which the government of Tajikistan has used the narrative of Islamist extremism and global terrorism in order to deprive its Islamic political opposition of its...Show moreThis thesis deals with the extent of which the government of Tajikistan has used the narrative of Islamist extremism and global terrorism in order to deprive its Islamic political opposition of its legitimacy and right to exist. In doing so, the Tajik government has made its final move towards the consolidation of its one-party rule over the former Soviet state. Firstly, the thesis' intention is to research how the Tajik government has used frames in order to undermine and crush its legal opposition. Second, it deals with the government’s general relation to religion in society, one which is mostly defined by unease and a wish to control Islam. It is argues that this second element has been crucial for the Tajik regime in order to effectively clear its political opponents. The main argument of this thesis is to demonstrate how, after years of relative political plurality, Tajikistan’s political dimension has shifted towards a one-party system with a closed political space.Show less
