The dynamics of power in international relations are inherently fluid and subject to ongoing change. There is a growing recognition that the influence within the European Union is gradually moving...Show moreThe dynamics of power in international relations are inherently fluid and subject to ongoing change. There is a growing recognition that the influence within the European Union is gradually moving away from powers like France and Germany towards countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The aforementioned transition was precipitated, among other factors, by the Ukrainian-Russian conflict, which has significantly impacted geopolitical terrain. Poland, a nation with significant economic and military prowess and a sizable population, is positioning itself as a key player aiming to rebalance power dynamics in favor of Central and Eastern European member states that have historically been marginalized. This study seeks to answer the question concerning the presence of a power shift within the European Union, and to identify the fundamental causes driving this change.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (BSc)
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This thesis explores how digital representations of Indigenous movements influence the political outcomes of these movements in settler colonies. Since the beginning of its development, digital...Show moreThis thesis explores how digital representations of Indigenous movements influence the political outcomes of these movements in settler colonies. Since the beginning of its development, digital technology has been utilized by Indigenous people to connect, share and learn but also to advocate. Historically indigenous people have been demanding recognition and indigenous rights, and in the current digital age, this fight has partly moved to the digital sphere, on social media. Here, Indigenous people are less dependent on mainstream media and their prejudices and can spread their perspectives on their struggles and what it means to be Indigenous. I look at the political effects of this new form of activism by analyzing three different case studies. Two of the cases are located in Canada, Idle No More and MMIWG (Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls), and the third is situated in America the NoDAPL movement. These cases show that the use of social media can shift power relations between governments and Indigenous movements and that Indigenous people have more control over how they are portrayed. Though, this thesis also shows the weaknesses of using social media as a activism strategy.Show less
Power can be construed in terms of opportunities or responsibilities. The current research examined the effect of in biological sex, gender, gender identity and gender on the power construal of...Show morePower can be construed in terms of opportunities or responsibilities. The current research examined the effect of in biological sex, gender, gender identity and gender on the power construal of power holders. Female gender identity and role were hypothesized to be associated to power construal in terms of responsibility (rather than opportunity), while male gender identity and role were hypothesized to be associated to power construal in terms of opportunity (rather than responsibility). This was examined by administration of a questionnaire. Respondents consisted of male and female professionals in leadership roles from the UK. The study found that female gender identity and femininity are positively related to power construed in terms of responsibility. No significant relationships between gender identity and power construal as opportunity were found. This highlights the relevance of gender on power construal in terms of responsibilityShow less
While small states lack the military and economic resources to affect the behaviour of other states, they do have access to other forms of power that they can utilize when in conflict with a major...Show moreWhile small states lack the military and economic resources to affect the behaviour of other states, they do have access to other forms of power that they can utilize when in conflict with a major power. This research examines the ways in which the Philippines, as a small state, uses these forms of power to overcome the structural constraints that it faces in its conflict with China, a major power, in their conflict over the South China Sea. These different forms of power are categorised into four types: particular-intrinsic, derivative, collective and legal. This research has found that by using certain types of power, the Philippines precludes itself from using other types of power. The different types of power, when used successfully, can also be used to amplify or enhance other types of power. Finally, this research has found that there are limits placed on the use of derivative power of major powers by different domestic interest groups.Show less
It has been suggested that power provides both opportunities for promoting the achievement of one's own goals and responsibilities for the outcomes of those who are dependent on the power-holder....Show moreIt has been suggested that power provides both opportunities for promoting the achievement of one's own goals and responsibilities for the outcomes of those who are dependent on the power-holder. In our study we investigated whether sex and gender identity influence the construal of power as either opportunity or responsibility in a variety of power contexts, while also examining the possible moderating role of personality traits. Power was manipulated by priming participants in a high or low power condition, by requesting them to describe a situation in which they felt powerful or powerless. There were also questions about the meaning they ascribed to that power, while their gender identity was measured by a recently developed scale. Our results showed that participants in the high power condition were more likely to construe their power as both an opportunity and a responsibility than the participants in the low power condition and that femininity is associated with the construal of power as a responsibility irrespective of the level of power. Females construed their power as a responsibility more than males only when we controlled for neuroticism, openness to experience and their stability of power. Limitations and implications of the study are discussed.Show less
Power is not merely a structural or relational construct but also a psychological state; power influences the way an individual is inclined to act, treat others, and to make decisions. Power can be...Show morePower is not merely a structural or relational construct but also a psychological state; power influences the way an individual is inclined to act, treat others, and to make decisions. Power can be construed as a responsibility or as an opportunity and the specific construal of power determines the eventual action a powerholder will take. When it comes to positions of power, there is no shortage of individuals at powerful positions who exhibit narcissistic personality traits. This research aims to investigate the influence that narcissistic personality traits, in combination with gender, have on the construal of power. To investigate this relation the following hypothesis was formulated: Male leaders with stronger narcissistic personality traits will construe their power in an opportunistic manner significantly more than female leaders with stronger narcissistic personality traits and male leaders with low narcissistic personality traits. 250 participants with leadership positions were surveyed on gender, power construal and narcissistic traits. Results showed that narcissistic personality traits have a significant, positive effect on the construal of power as opportunity and a significant, negative effect on the construal of power as responsibility. The effect of gender was not found in this study. The results are discussed in terms of the current research and suggestions for the future. This study demonstrates that powerholders with higher narcissistic traits are more likely to interpret their power as opportunity, and less likely to interpret their power as responsibility, regardless of gender.Show less
This study examined how different levels of power influence outcomes in group negotiations. Hereby, triads of friends (n=81) or strangers (n=74) either had a powerholder with almighty decisional...Show moreThis study examined how different levels of power influence outcomes in group negotiations. Hereby, triads of friends (n=81) or strangers (n=74) either had a powerholder with almighty decisional power, a merely appointed leader, or no leader. It was expected that different motivational orientations affect whether a powerholder is beneficial or harmful. Results from the three-person “Aloha Beach Club” group negotiation task confirmed this prediction as cooperative groups reached more integrative agreements than individualistic groups. Although it was expected that power would animate cooperative leaders to organize the negotiation, no such structuring behaviour was found. Moreover, opposite than predicted, individualistic powerholders attained higher scores in groups of friends than in groups of strangers. Overall, results showed that it is irrelevant whether leaders have almighty power or are merely appointed – in both cooperative and individualistic groups they attained similar outcomes.Show less
“The struggles for water between hegemons and subordinates are set within the framework of hydro-hegemony and include the concept of power. Hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies drive changes...Show more“The struggles for water between hegemons and subordinates are set within the framework of hydro-hegemony and include the concept of power. Hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies drive changes at the international level allowing different states to shift their perceived power. Their positions actively affects the discourse, influencing processes like agenda-setting, policy-making and hydropower plans. This paper analyses the struggle between Egypt and Ethiopia within the hydro-hegemonic framework assessing the different practices employed by Cairo to (re-)assert its position as the most powerful player in the Nile River Basin complex, the hegemon.”Show less
I argue for a reconstruction of the relation between the mathematical example of defining “power” by Theaetetus and the later three attempted definitions of knowledge in Plato’s dialogue: the...Show moreI argue for a reconstruction of the relation between the mathematical example of defining “power” by Theaetetus and the later three attempted definitions of knowledge in Plato’s dialogue: the Theaetetus. The reason for the reconstruction is that the relation in question is either understood weakly in an analogical way or negatively as a contrast of methods between mathematics or philosophy. I maintain that the textual evidence in the Theaetetus for a positive reading of this relation should be respected and the mathematical example of defining “power” is actually a model for the discussion of defining knowledge. The analysis will show that in Theaetetus’ definition of power, he goes from circumscribing the infinite in √3 and √5 in one line to dividing the number into groups; that is, the definition of “power” requires presenting the infinite in a certain number, which could be further positioned in a certain group of number by division. The definition of knowledge goes through similar stages. Relevant discussions move from those on the infinite or many to the necessity of one and then to those on the relation between wholes and parts. Therefore, the mathematical example of defining “power” is a model for defining “knowledge” in that it provides a crucial framework that is the very concern of knowledge.Show less
The debate on the EU and the various aspects of its enlargement process is a topic which has been viewed through various approaches; however no specific theory is capable of encompassing and...Show moreThe debate on the EU and the various aspects of its enlargement process is a topic which has been viewed through various approaches; however no specific theory is capable of encompassing and explaining the EU, its behavior, position, actions and role in the international political scene in the entirety of its complexity. In this regard Kenneth Waltz stated that “If we gather more and more data and establish more and more associations, however, we will not finally find that we know something” (Waltz, 2010, p.4). Therefore, continuously piling up new data does not contribute to our understanding and it brings us to finding new approaches and methods. In this sense, this research tries to paint a clearer and wider picture of the EU and its process through some of the core/basic principles of realism. Namely the process of EU enlargement is influenced by numerous factors; this thesis however, is focused specifically on the concept of threat perception as an important external factor which influences decisions in regards to EU enlargement. Stephen Walt, through his Threat Perception Theory (TPT), has not only provided a systematic way to introduce the concept of threat perception in the overarching theory of realism, but has also through the 4 categories, provided us with a tool to determine the concrete evaluation of a threat. In this thesis, that evaluation is applied to the example of Russia and how it is perceived from the EU standpoint. Walt has defined these four categories in such a way that they are not only applicable to the evaluation of threat that comes from certain actors (states), but they also provide room for analyzing specific aspects of their policies. This thesis utilizes this applicability of Walt’s TPT and uses it to also analyze the threat coming from Russian natural gas/energy politics. Due to the fact that threat, as a wider concept, is irrefutably connected to the concepts of survival and power, this thesis will also tackle the topic through the prism of these two primary concepts of realism. When it comes to power it will more notably focus on the works of Tom Casier (2018) and the notions of positive and negative compulsory power. Where this research deviates from the (often dogmatic) principles of the realist theories is the claim that states are the unitary actors on the international scene. This thesis views, and proves, that the EU is a sui generis actor capable of creating and achieving its foreign policy goals. Thus the aforementioned concepts which are generally attributed to states in realist theories, in this research are applied to the European Union.Show less
The killings of Armenians by the government of the Young Turks in the Ottoman Empire between 1915 and 1923 fit all the given definitions of genocide. However, many states from the international...Show moreThe killings of Armenians by the government of the Young Turks in the Ottoman Empire between 1915 and 1923 fit all the given definitions of genocide. However, many states from the international community have not recognized the Armenian genocide, and few have explicitly expressed recognition. This paper will analyze the revisionary processes within two countries (Argentina and Spain) that have come to different outcomes (recognition and non-recognition, respectively) and will provide preliminary evidence in response to this main puzzle: “Why has Argentina recognized the Armenian genocide, while Spain has not?” This research´s main argument revolves around the concept of realpolitik, specifically around the interests and powers that this paper will demonstrate to have a direct relation to the outcomes of the revisionary processes of the Armenian Genocide by different states.Show less
Since roughly around the start of the current millenium, there has been a growing trend of doctors and pharmacists in Japan speaking up about what they perceive to be unreasonable attitudes and...Show moreSince roughly around the start of the current millenium, there has been a growing trend of doctors and pharmacists in Japan speaking up about what they perceive to be unreasonable attitudes and behaviours exhibited by patients and the media towards medical experts who work in clinical situations. One example of a clinical discourse in Japan that has been particularly concerned with this issue is one dubbed 'iryo hokai'. The main thrust of the argument made by medical caregivers who speak within this discourse is that current-day patients' unachievably high expectations of doctors' ability to successfully cure disease is leading to an increase in malpractice lawsuits, and that this will encourage doctors to abandon their work out of fear for being sued, eventually causing modern medicine to collapse due to understaffing. This paper aims to perform a discourse analysis on the concrete expressions of such professional frustration, specifically using articles published in commercial magazines aimed at a professional readership to examine doctors' lived experience with patients that they deem 'troublesome'. As a background for discussion it also presents a short history of the relevant issues as they have developed over roughly the past two decades. The analysis itself is informed by existing social theory on the configurations and functions of power in modern society, especially as it pertains to professionalized biomedicine and its role in creating and administrating populations.Show less
In this thesis I have investigated the use of the Chinese space programme in public diplomacy strategies. There is a gap between the image the Chinese government tries to project and China's...Show moreIn this thesis I have investigated the use of the Chinese space programme in public diplomacy strategies. There is a gap between the image the Chinese government tries to project and China's behaviour on the world stage. While the intended image is that of a peace-loving nation that uses its space programme for scientific purposes that will benefit mankind, on a security level China uses its space programme for military applications and power projection. I have investigated this divergence and speculated on the future space power dynamics.Show less
This paper is motivated by the assumption that ‘terrorism’ is a loaded and politically significant term, the use of which exudes and produces power relations. It acknowledges this, and also argues...Show moreThis paper is motivated by the assumption that ‘terrorism’ is a loaded and politically significant term, the use of which exudes and produces power relations. It acknowledges this, and also argues that not everyone has an equal right to use the term. This leads to an examination into the kind of power that is manifested in the use of the term, by putting the social constructivist framework to work and placing the semantic field of terrorism within that framework. It identifies a kind of power attached to the enunciation of the term ‘terrorism’ and argues that it is unequally distributed between perceived potential victims of terrorism and perceived potential perpetrators of terrorism. Drawing on Nietzsche’s genealogical analysis of morality, I argue that it is counterproductive to deny potential perpetrators the power of enunciation around the term ‘terrorism’ on the basis that this leads to a kind of slave revolt in terrorism. Redistributing the power of enunciation around the term ‘terrorism’ might remove the line that separates potential victims from potential perpetrators of terrorism and work towards reducing the threat of terrorism itself by allowing those potential perpetrators to exercise this capability within mainstream society, as opposed to seeking alternative communities to do so outside of it.Show less
Post-truth politics influences and challenges democracies around the world. Yet, influential political theories like Habermas’s seem unequipped to deal with it, as they are based on the premise...Show morePost-truth politics influences and challenges democracies around the world. Yet, influential political theories like Habermas’s seem unequipped to deal with it, as they are based on the premise that power is necessarily truth-sensitive. In this thesis I have confronted post-truth politics, defined as the phenomenon in which discourses that are unconcerned with truth still are power-bestowing, with Habermas' theory of communicative action. In doing so, I argue that that there is power beyond (reference to) truth. The everyday phenomenon of post-truth discourses is thus used to assess the implicit premises in our thinking, so that eventually better solutions to deal with the problems of post-truth politics can be found.Show less
