The outcome in the Netherlands of the 2016 Ukraine referendum was influenced by Eurosceptic voting. Both this thesis and The National Referendum Research show that a lack of trust in the European...Show moreThe outcome in the Netherlands of the 2016 Ukraine referendum was influenced by Eurosceptic voting. Both this thesis and The National Referendum Research show that a lack of trust in the European Union corresponds with a ‘No’ vote. This thesis takes the analysis of the role of Eurosceptic voting a step further by using more explanatory models of Euroscepticism, giving insight on not only the relationship with Euroscepticism as a linear factor, but also as a multi-dimensional concept and a benchmark concept. With these models, this thesis shows that perceived utility of the EU - separate from trust in the EU - is an important factor that influenced the outcome of this Ukraine referendum. Beyond this, it shows that the referendum voters’ average trust in the EU’s policy and regime is lower than their trust in the national policy and regime. This leads to the conclusion that the Dutch voters have sent a message to The Hague and Brussels that they must put more effort in showing the Netherlands’ benefits through EU membership, for lack of confidence in the EU’s utility has been a key element in not accepting this international association agreement. On a methodological level, this thesis aims to contribute to a new research method predicated on the idea of ‘average towns’ because its data is collected based on the comparability of the municipality of Heemskerk with the Netherlands as a whole, in both demographics and voting outcomes.Show less
In recent years, the foreign funding of Islamic institutions has arisen as a matter of political contention in the context of various West-European countries and the public debate about how to...Show moreIn recent years, the foreign funding of Islamic institutions has arisen as a matter of political contention in the context of various West-European countries and the public debate about how to engage with this subject is fraught with controversy. Turkey’s Diyanet occupies a central position as the principal recipient of critique. There is a prominent gap in academic literature regarding which factors can produce mistrust against the Diyanet in the public opinions of West-European countries. This research aims to contribute to filling this gap by tracing the relationship between the Dutch government and the Dutch branch of the Diyanet, the Islamitische Stichting Nederland (ISN). It investigates whether there is an overarching correspondence between mistrust against the ISN rising in Dutch public opinion and deepening Islamization in Turkish domestic politics.Show less
This paper analyses the role public opinion had in the revision of the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act in 2018. Previously, the majority of the public felt economically and...Show moreThis paper analyses the role public opinion had in the revision of the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act in 2018. Previously, the majority of the public felt economically and culturally threatened by foreign residents. Over time, this belief largely disappeared from the public’s consciousness and changed into a more receptive view of an increase of foreigners. Consequently, a majority of the public came to believe that an increase of unskilled foreign labourers to address Japan’s labour shortage was a satisfactory solution. Alleviating labour shortages would in turn strengthen Japan’s economy which was a priority for both the public and Prime Minister Abe. Having looked at both businesses and Abe as different actors in the revision, I found that thanks to Abe’s tight control over both the Diet and the Cabinet, the bill was approved by the Diet without Abe facing public backlash. Nonetheless, the public’s preference has not been attained as they wanted more deliberation time in the Diet. Therefore, public opinion and the 2018 revision are correlated, but it cannot be concluded that public opinion influenced the revision.Show less
From 1871 until 1945, a period of less than a century, Germany underwent incredible developments as a nation-state. While Germany was only a bundle of separate and divided states in 1848, it...Show moreFrom 1871 until 1945, a period of less than a century, Germany underwent incredible developments as a nation-state. While Germany was only a bundle of separate and divided states in 1848, it managed to turn itself into a unified country by 1933. Furthermore, during an even shorter timeframe (1933-1942), the Nazis physically succeeded at turning an economically and politically broken country into a continental superpower. It is also important to mention that Germany in 1914-1918 lost over 2 million soldiers and 400,000 civilians during the First World War.1 In this light, it is difficult to understand how the Nazi government mentally prepared its’ population for the idea of waging another World War. Given this contradictory and volatile context, it is historically relevant to re-examine the relationship between Nazi propaganda and public opinion. Therefore, this research attempts to explain how Nazi propaganda reinterpreted realities in a way that created an inescapable context of propaganda for a majority of the German population.Show less
One of the political controversies in Europe that has been continuing for the past five years is the destruction of rule of law caused by unconstitutional reforms in many European Union member...Show moreOne of the political controversies in Europe that has been continuing for the past five years is the destruction of rule of law caused by unconstitutional reforms in many European Union member states. One of these controversies is the reform of the Polish judicial system that began in 2015 and ever since has been tackling each part of the third branch one by one. Therefore, this thesis analyses how the reforms to the Polish judicial system introduced by the ruling coalition of Law and Justice as the leader party, United Poland and Agreement have affected public trust in government. By analysing factors including trust in directly involved politicians, attitudes towards government and opinion on the working of parliament and president, the thesis concludes with a theory that the reforms have had a negative influence on public trust in government and deeply polarise the society. The trust has been weak for a long period as post-communist societies tend to have low trust in their institutions. Politicians more directly associated with the reform such as Vice Prime Minister for Security and L&J party leader Jarosław Kaczyński and Prosecutor General and Minister of Justice Zbigniew Ziobro face widespread distrust from the public. On the other hand, politicians associated more with positive changes in the country and distancing themselves from the reform, or even veto it such as Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki and President Andrzej Duda enjoy a higher degree of trust from the population. Although, all of them face a high percentage of people trusting and distrusting them. Furthermore, attitudes towards the government have also been divided among the years between opponents, supporters and indifferent citizens, even when the reforms take place. The majority of people also agree that both parliamentary houses do a bad job, however, the president, on the other hand, is seen more positively which is reflected in trust in him. All of this data shows that the Polish population is quite divided between attitudes of opportunism, conformism and legalism towards the reform and the ruling coalition, and polarisation (equal divide between supporters and opponents) of society is a typical trait for a populist government.Show less
This thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the...Show moreThis thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the public consensus on the need to mitigate climate change. Based on an original dataset of public opinion on ten potential environmental policy changes between 2008 and 2020, the main results are that amidst general policy responsiveness, both genders and age groups are equally well represented whereas high-educated citizens experience a slight representational bias. This demonstrates that climate policy adoption is not hampered by the underrepresentation of pro-environmental interests. The analyses in the second part reject descriptive representation as a plausible explanation for unequal policy responsiveness. Doing so, this thesis emphasizes the importance of going beyond numbers to explore mechanisms that facilitate the representation of climate preferences held by diverse groups in society.Show less
As the effects of climate change are increasingly appearing around the globe, the general public’s concern about the issue has also grown. As the need for action is becoming more important than...Show moreAs the effects of climate change are increasingly appearing around the globe, the general public’s concern about the issue has also grown. As the need for action is becoming more important than ever, we need to understand what factors can help increase implementation and reduce infringements of environmental policies. There is particular lack of research on the potential relationship between public concern about climate change and the infringements of European Union environmental rules in Europe. As respect of common rules is key to maintain the stability of the European Union, infringements represent a certain risk of conflict. Therefore, this research also helps fill the literature gap in the conflict and climate nexus about climate conflict in Europe. For these purposes, this research paper explores how public concern for climate change might impact the number of infringements member states commit regarding environmental policies of the European Union. Through a OLS regression analysis, the research finds that public concern does not seem to have a significant impact on the number of infringements member states commit. This apparent absence of influence of public opinion raises serious concerns as to the people’s power to make their governments listen to them and their calls for environmental protection.Show less
Despite the fact that women’s representation in national parliaments and executives is increasing, female political representatives still constitute a minority, especially in high-level positions....Show moreDespite the fact that women’s representation in national parliaments and executives is increasing, female political representatives still constitute a minority, especially in high-level positions. The literature argues that gender stereotypes influence the perception of female political representatives who consequently face a disadvantage in politics. This thesis explores the factors that affect public opinion on female leadership in the European Union (EU). Using the Eurobarometer data on public opinion covering the 28 EU member states, I conduct a multiple linear regression analysis to investigate the effect of four individual level-factors (i.e., gender, age, education and profession), and three country-level factors (i.e., masculine culture, religion and communist legacy) on net female trust. The results suggest that female gender, education and masculine culture positively affect trust in female political representatives, while communist legacy produces a negative effect. Moreover, I discover that the EU public opinion favors female over male political representatives. Finally, by comparing the level of trust in female and male political representatives, I find that the great majority of respondents have egalitarian attitudes as they equally trust male and female leaders. These findings challenge the burgeoning literature on female leadership and have important implications for the study of public opinion, gender and political leadership in the EU.Show less
Including the study of personality into the study of attitudes towards the EU can contribute to a better, more detailed and nuanced understanding as personality offers the possibility to account...Show moreIncluding the study of personality into the study of attitudes towards the EU can contribute to a better, more detailed and nuanced understanding as personality offers the possibility to account for differences between individuals. These differences are important as they can result in variance in political thought and action. In a quantitative study (N = 186) conducted in the Netherlands this research investigates the direct effect of personality on EU support as well as the indirect effect of personality, mediated by ideology on EU support. Therefore, this study measures personality, EU support and ideological self-placement and conducts a mediation analysis. The results show a significant direct relationship between the personality trait agreeableness and EU support but no significant indirect effects and emphasize the importance of incorporating psychology into the study of public opinion in the EU.Show less
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan remains unresolved for more than three decades. Previous studies on frozen conflicts focus on various aspects contributing to their...Show moreThe Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan remains unresolved for more than three decades. Previous studies on frozen conflicts focus on various aspects contributing to their prolongation but largely neglected the influence of public opinion. However, existing studies on the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy argue that public preferences and attitudes may have a significant impact on elites’ decisions concerning conflicts’ development and resolution talks. In this thesis, I argue that studying public opinion in Armenia and Azerbaijan towards the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict can have wide-ranging implications for our understanding of frozen conflicts duration. The analysis shows that negative public opinion has a profound effect on the conflict prolongation, both directly and indirectly. Directly, by constraining policy-makers in their attempts to resolve the conflict and indirectly by providing the elites with incentives to perpetuate the conflict .Show less
This study aims to find out how stereotypes about foreigners are formed in South Korea, and what the role of the media is. It delves into the reason why people construct stereotypes and how the...Show moreThis study aims to find out how stereotypes about foreigners are formed in South Korea, and what the role of the media is. It delves into the reason why people construct stereotypes and how the media can influence public opinion through framing. With these as attributing factors, the history of foreigners in South Korea is also illuminated and it is established that Korean identity dictates that there is a stark categorization of what is Korean and what is not. This dictates means that inherently those that are not Korean are believed to not act like Koreans in any way, and this thus forms the stereotype. On a micro-scale, it is demonstrated how stereotypes are negotiated, reproduced and confirmed. These stereotypes focus mainly focus on categorization and identity of the foreigners and Koreans. These stereotypes being the center of a TV program is an act of framing, which is then conveyed to an audience, which is how stereotypes are influenced by the media.Show less
Following the 2015 Paris attacks, public opinion on refugees drastically diverged in Canada and the United States. Whereas Canadians became more supportive towards taking in Syrian refugees, US...Show moreFollowing the 2015 Paris attacks, public opinion on refugees drastically diverged in Canada and the United States. Whereas Canadians became more supportive towards taking in Syrian refugees, US-Americans increasingly disapproved the intake of refugees. In the weeks after the attacks, the fact that one of the attackers entered Europe with a Syrian passport through the refugee roads initiated a global discussion on the safety of taking in Syrian refugees. Especially television news were of major importance in pushing this debate. Through critical discourse analysis, this bachelor thesis examined whether the divergent trends in public opinion in the United States and Canada could be explained by differing news discourses. The analysis found that the US discourse extensively focused on refugees as a potential threat to national security. Due to the fact the US had entered the pre-election phase at this point, the discussion on refugees was markedly politicized. Especially Republican presidential candidates were given plenty of airtime to comment on refugees, while refugees themselves were left almost entirely voiceless. In contrast, the Canadian news discourse discussed the crisis more from a humanitarian perspective, extensively covering philanthropist Canadians who were aiding Syrian refugees through different means such as privately-sponsoring, providing medical care or donating money, clothes and housing. This analysis demonstrates that the news discourses in Canada and the US were indeed profoundly different. This supports the theory that different reporting on refugees in the wake of the Paris attacks contributed to the shifts in public opinion in Canada and the US.Show less
Throughout American history, there has been tension between the fundamental liberties granted by the United States Constitution and the need for government to protect its citizens. Many scholars...Show moreThroughout American history, there has been tension between the fundamental liberties granted by the United States Constitution and the need for government to protect its citizens. Many scholars have written about this conflict and have compared the pressures that exist today—post September 11—with those that existed previously. Much of this earlier work looks at counter-terrorism legislation and the response of courts worldwide to the infringement of civil liberties. Others have reviewed the literature and legal discourse in an effort to determine whether civil liberties have been infringed upon to a dangerous extent. What is missing is research gauging public opinion about whether a loss of rights is being experienced and if so, whether it is justified in the federal government’s effort to ensure the safety of its citizens. Accordingly, this paper asks: What is the opinion of American political science students regarding the possible loss of free speech rights as a consequence of fighting the “war on terror”? Although only a starting point for measuring public opinion on a broader scale, this study has tangible implications for increasing awareness among policymakers.Show less
This thesis concentrates on parliamentary control in EU matters by focussing on the adoption of the new roles for national parliaments stipulated in the Lisbon Treaty. To seek an explanation for...Show moreThis thesis concentrates on parliamentary control in EU matters by focussing on the adoption of the new roles for national parliaments stipulated in the Lisbon Treaty. To seek an explanation for the differences in scrutiny strength across member states, this master thesis investigates whether parliamentary control is in relation with the eurosceptic nature of national parliaments and its public. It is important to examine the eurosceptic nature of national parliaments, as it can be argued that national parliaments with an eurosceptic public wish to have European matters handled in their national institutions, whereas national parliaments with a pro-European tendency are more willing to delegate authority to EU institutions. In addition, it is also important to examine this subject as many national parliaments are facing the problem of agency loss and are searching for ways to become stronger represented in the EU. In this master thesis, it is examined whether national parliaments with a strong eurosceptic character are stronger represented in the EU. In other words, is parliamentary control on EU affairs strengthened by public opinion?Show less
This thesis researches the way in which the pharmaceutical industry protects its interests in animal testing at the European Commission and looks especially at the influence of the public opinion.
