The Late European prehistory is a fascinating age. Indeed, the continent incurred in a series of incredible changes, both technological and social, with the introduction of new metallurgic...Show moreThe Late European prehistory is a fascinating age. Indeed, the continent incurred in a series of incredible changes, both technological and social, with the introduction of new metallurgic activities and productions and the rise of new dominant and macro-regional cultures. Within this frame, there are two, highly different situations in Central Europe: on the one hand, the last chapter of the European prehistory which corresponded to the Late Iron Age, was characterised by a cultural fragmentation between the European regions; whereas, on the other hand, few centuries earlier the Urnfield System unified the Central Europe under a common cultural phenomenon. Therefore, in a short period of time, Europe underwent an incredible regional differentiation, which constituted the latest image of Europe towards the beginning of the current era. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to understand what happened between these two chronological poles, i.e. what happened to Central Europe before the Late Iron Age: the objective is hence to explore the existence and the evolution of the roots of the cultural fragmentation in the previous periods, which are the Urnfield age and the Early Iron Age. The analytic means will be the bronze weapons, since they constituted one of the most important cultural indicators of regional identities during the Late Bronze Age. Indeed, the Urnfield System featured a martial society, therefore the weapons were important symbols and, thus, they might have followed important cultural developments. Because the technological aspect was quite homogeneous in the Urnfield period, the weapons are analysed through their typological aspect, i.e. their fashions and decorations. In this thesis, the cultural regionalisation will be analysed through three important territories, due to their cultural role in the Late Iron Age: they are the Villanovan area, the Hallstatt region, and the Lusatian territory. Each one of them is explored over the two periods taken in considerations, in order to outline its evolution over time and its relationship with the other two regions. The logical assumption that one might think about, is that, as the majority of the historical and cultural phenomena, the cultural fragmentation witnessed by the Late Iron Age, has to have been a gradual process that took several centuries to acquire the final shape that characterises Central Europe at the end of its prehistory. Therefore, one might think that the Urnfield System featured an elevated degree of inner homogeneity, whereas the following Early Iron Age was characterised by a higher cultural regionalisation, if not total fragmentation already. However, this thesis seems to point toward an interesting and unexpected discovery: the regional differentiation, between the Urnfield period and the Late Iron Age, was not a gradual process. Indeed, surprisingly and contrary to the belief of many authors, the Urnfield System has been revealed less homogeneous than one might have thought, whereas the following period, i.e. that Early Iron Age which is so close to the fragmented Europe of the Late Iron Age, is much more homogeneous, not only than the expectation, but also than the unitarian Urnfield System itself. This means that, after the collapse of the latter, the post-Urnfield cultures, following the typologies of their predecessors, continued to develop new weapons, which clearly resembled the Urnfield models: therefore, the Early Iron Age Central Europe was an evolution and thus a continuation of the Urnfield System. Such new cultures, despite the end of the previous unitarian cultural phenomenon, became even more homogeneous, leading to the conclusion that, the cultural fragmentation witnessed in the following period, must have abruptly taken place at the beginning of the Late Iron Age, and that it hadn't roots in the Urnfield period, nor especially in the Early Iron Age.Show less
The NATO intervention in Kosovo sparked the debate on an enhanced role for regional organizations in the promotion of international peace and security. In an attempt to reconcile another debate on...Show moreThe NATO intervention in Kosovo sparked the debate on an enhanced role for regional organizations in the promotion of international peace and security. In an attempt to reconcile another debate on the tension between sovereignty and human rights, the Responsibility to Protect was unanimously adopted at the World Summit in 2005. Various regional organizations have argued for increased autonomy in the regional implementation of the Responsibility to Protect, including the African Union and ASEAN. The the impact of regional dynamics on the regionalization of a global norm has been under-examined. In particular, the impact of regional identity has been unexplored. Grounded in the constructivist approach, this exploratory research aims to provide examination of the relation between regional identities and the Responsibility to Protect. Discourse analysis and the case studies of atrocities in Libya and Myanmar find that identity can function as a narrative to legitimize or delegitimize particular aspects of the Responsibility to Protect. Regional contexts and values must thus be taken into account when promoting international normsShow less
This thesis examines why BRICS emerged among Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, despite the dissimilarities between these countries. Following a constructivist approach, this thesis...Show moreThis thesis examines why BRICS emerged among Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, despite the dissimilarities between these countries. Following a constructivist approach, this thesis assumes that regions are not fixed but rather constituted and constructed through ideational factors. As such, BRICS is considered a ‘virtual region’. The aim of this thesis is to explain the process through which a collective identity paved the way for cooperation among the countries. The analysis shows that the BRICS identity is rooted in the longer-standing narrative about the Global South. The shared identity facilitated the alignment of their interests. Despite some variation, a development-multipolarity discourse is identified. The countries not only seek economic development within BRICS and the Global South, but also a greater voice in global governance. The creation of a collective identity and the alignment of interests paved the way for BRICS to emerge as virtual region, embedded in the Global South narrative.Show less
Since the early 2000s, China has experimented with a range of development-oriented diplomatic initiatives based on multilateral regionalism. One of these initiatives is the Macau Forum, a grouping...Show moreSince the early 2000s, China has experimented with a range of development-oriented diplomatic initiatives based on multilateral regionalism. One of these initiatives is the Macau Forum, a grouping created in 2003 that brings China together with nine lusophone countries to promote economic and trade exchanges. This case study investigates China’s motives for creating and maintaining this multilateral project and examines perceptions from its lusophone participants. The significance of this analysis is that it provides a more granular understanding of the rationale and results of China’s ever-increasing promotion of alternative international development cooperation frameworks in the Global South. To research this topic, I relied primarily on historically-contextualised discourse analysis of primary material from diplomatic and academic sources. Results of this analysis reveal that China was motivated (1) to promote and test out a Chinese vision of development cooperation, (2) to strengthen Macau’s integration with mainland China and (3) to secure Beijing's diplomatic recognition among lusophone countries. Commentary from lusophone diplomats, however, highlights the lack of perceived concrete benefits for the Macau Forum’s participant members. On this basis, the Macau Forum can be likened to other China-led multilateral regional initiatives, such as the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), that are balanced asymmetrically in China’s favour.Show less
The necessity for a principle such as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) emerged in the aftermath of humanitarian catastrophes of the 1990s and the ineffective and partially destructive response...Show moreThe necessity for a principle such as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) emerged in the aftermath of humanitarian catastrophes of the 1990s and the ineffective and partially destructive response by the international community. R2P represents the notion that states not only have a responsibility to protect their own citizens from atrocity crimes, but due to increasing global interconnectedness have a responsibility to protect citizens worldwide. Furthermore, through R2P, African actors have exemplified shifting power relations, i.e. their growing agency and political, economic, and cultural importance in international relations. This thesis poses the research question, how can ubuntu be used as a framework to understand R2P from an African perspective? This study aims to reacknowledge African agency in the creation and implementation of R2P and the value of a regional and cultural approach, seeing as the literature review reveals that the application of African philosophies to R2P requires further research. To analyze the role of ubuntu principles in R2P, desktop research and document analysis were used. In addition, an interview with Professor Timothy Murithi was conducted. By applying the principles of ubuntu to the responsibilities to prevent, react, and rebuild, this thesis concludes that ubuntu has the potential to increase the legitimate and cohesive implementation of R2P in Africa. Guiding values of ubuntu such as communalism, reciprocity, forgiveness, and communication highlight the humanitarian, ethical aspect of R2P. Furthermore, ubuntu enables a more regional approach to R2P that reacknowledges Africa’s role in international affairs.Show less
As the involvement of regional organizations in peacekeeping has significantly grown over the past decades, the relationship of these organizations with the United Nations has been reconfigured....Show moreAs the involvement of regional organizations in peacekeeping has significantly grown over the past decades, the relationship of these organizations with the United Nations has been reconfigured. This is particularly the case for the African Union and the UN, that set up their first peacekeeping mission with joint ownership in 2007 with UNAMID, the UN-AU hybrid mission in Darfur. The UN-AU relationship is not only determined by global-regional power relations, also postcolonial power relations play a role. As a result of these power relations, the AU is often perceived as being rather agency- and powerless. This thesis will counter this narrative, by studying the way in which the AU exercised agency over the set-up of UNAMID. It finds that while the AU was constrained by material capacity and the influence of powerful actors, it was still able to exercise agency and have influence on the UN, by using discursive strategies and the contestation of norms. Following these findings, this thesis advocates for a decolonial shift in the understanding of the AU that makes space for African agency and African contributions in international affairs, particularly, but not only, in peace and security matters.Show less
Since 2011, Ethiopia has been building a dam on the Blue Nile river. The project, called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam or GERD, has been of significant importance for the whole basin. Egypt...Show moreSince 2011, Ethiopia has been building a dam on the Blue Nile river. The project, called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam or GERD, has been of significant importance for the whole basin. Egypt and Sudan, the downstream states, have been interested in the project for several reasons. Both Egypt and Sudan rely heavily on the Blue Nile for agriculture and supply of fresh water. Egypt in particular is concerned that their access to water will be limited through the construction of the dam. Egypt receives 97 percent of their fresh water supply via the Nile. Due to colonial era agreements on the use of the water supplied by the Blue Nile, Egypt had a hegemonic status over all the states along the stream of the river or the ‘riparian’ states for quite some time. However, in 2011, a perfect storm of events, with the Arab Spring and the subsequent fall of president Mubarak, and the independence of Southern Sudan, coincided with the commencement by the Ethiopian government to build the GERD.Show less
A review of the literature on the Sino-Russian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight the propensity of conflict, based upon...Show moreA review of the literature on the Sino-Russian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight the propensity of conflict, based upon traditional security considerations resulting in a definition of the Sino-Russian relationship that is limited, instrumental and asymmetric—an ‘axis of convenience’ according to mainstream scholars. Tensions are held to be most conspicuous in Russia and China’s shared backyard: Central Asia. Since the 2010s, both China and Russia have engaged in efforts to rearrange their regional backyards and consolidate influence over their smaller neighbours. The simultaneous, yet juxtapositional, establishment of Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and China’s Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) are widely deemed to reflect the independent foreign policy objectives of each party as well as the traditional security considerations underlying their regional projects. As a result, they have led many analysts to foresee a new Great Game in the region. To date, tensions have not surfaced, why? Contributing to critical scholarship, this thesis engages in securitization theory to gain insights into the different identities and security drivers underlying both powers’ regional initiatives. Appreciating the normative and ideational underpinnings of Russia’s EEU and China’s SREB, this research provides a new take upon the question why, and to what extent, the relationship does work—instead of why it does not, or will not, work. A poststructuralist discourse analysis has been conducted to examine these discursive representations of identity and security and answer this thesis’ main research question: To what extent do the security discourses of Russia’s EEU and China’s SREB explain the compatibility of the two initiatives? The findings of this thesis provide a balanced and contextualized account of both powers’ regional initiatives and give greater attention to the forces of convergence shaping the Sino-Russian relationship in the region and beyond.Show less
