This thesis demonstrates that the Triple Bottom Line (3BL) analysis is not only a useful tool for assessing the state of sustainability in corporations, but also on a country level. To do so, Saudi...Show moreThis thesis demonstrates that the Triple Bottom Line (3BL) analysis is not only a useful tool for assessing the state of sustainability in corporations, but also on a country level. To do so, Saudi Arabia is employed as a case study. The three sectors of economy, environment, and society are analyzed. Results show that the 3BL analysis is valuable to achieve sustainable development for nation-states, nevertheless the assessment tool should be developed further to reach its full potential.Show less
Since 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of...Show moreSince 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of many states in the region took to the streets in attempting to embark on a process that would democratize their nation. Scholars argue over the exact reasons for the uprisings, however, consensus exists over the fact that it stems from political, economic, and social dissatisfaction. The revolts started in Tunisia and set a chain reaction in motion, eventually reaching the shores of Gulf Cooperation Council, an economic and political union comprising of the Arabian Gulf States of Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. Although the kingdoms of the Arabian Gulf are rather similar in their socio-economic and political build-up, the GCC witnessed both minor and major uprisings kind of revolt and the respective nations responded in different manners to its domestic uprisings. This BA thesis seeks to create a detailed analysis of the distinct nature of the uprisings that took place within the borders of the GCC. Most GCC members experienced some sort of public unrest one way or another with Bahrain and Oman witnessing persistent violent street protests. After doing preliminary readings, it has become clear that the GCC-states can be divided into three different groups based on the intensity of the riots as well as the governments’ responses to the demands of its citizens. The first group consists of those countries that witnessed enduring riots resulting in the deaths among its citizens, like Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia. The second group of nations consists of those which experienced minor protests that did not result in any deaths among protestors. The only country fitting into this group is Kuwait. Lastly, the governments of both Qatar and the United Arab Emirates did not have to deal with domestic uprisings, however, there was some unrest, especially through online activism. Specifically, my research will attempt to disclose the plausibilities behind the distinct levels of intensity of the civil uprisings which took place in these structurally similar kingdoms. The presence of the rentier state undoubtedly plays a crucial role in the lives of GCC citizens as well as in the preamble of the uprisings in the GCC, however, the question regarding the rationale behind citizens’ discontent as well as the intensity of governments’ counteractions remains. The research for this BA thesis aims at assessing sources through means of qualitative research by examining reports, news articles, nevertheless focussing on engaging with the academic literature on the topic. By analyzing these sources, I will be able to draw analogies and comprehend the discrepancies which took place during the Arab Spring’s civil uprisings in the GCC. Moreover, my thesis will evaluate GCC member states’ different sorts of uprisings and their dissimilar responses to the revolts within their own physical and symbolic space. Additionally, the paper discloses the GCC’s revolts and respective reactions without delving into the main causes of the Arab Spring. The paper is structured as follows. The first section will introduce the GCC’s socio-political climate, the concept of the rentier state, and its usefulness to describe the rationale behind the discrepancies between the civil uprisings in each different country. The central part of the thesis will discuss the GCC’s the dissimilarity in the civil uprisings’ intensities as well as the unalike approach governments took regarding their citizens’ demands. The final section will reveal the research’s findings and draw several conclusions. In addition to this, a prediction will be made for the future based on the reactions and concessions made by governments at the time of the uprisings and whether this will prove beneficial in the long-term.Show less
This thesis provides an in-depth analysis on the political and economic consequences for rentier states and their elites, based on three presented reasons. Because of low oil prices, climate...Show moreThis thesis provides an in-depth analysis on the political and economic consequences for rentier states and their elites, based on three presented reasons. Because of low oil prices, climate mitigation policies and the eroding competitiveness of oil, states are increasingly experiencing the changing structures of the global political economy. To overcome challenges, rentier states are diversifying their economies by emphasizing non-oil alternatives. Consequences are the viability of the rentier model and their overrepresented authoritarian elites are at risk. By investigating an exemplary case this research has tried to better understand the path of the rentier state. Results find Saudi Arabia has begun diversifying its economy in predominantly the tertiary sector and is simultaneously activating its labour force to promote employment outside the government and oil sectors. Fast growing sectors that are progressively providing employment for Saudi nationals are (1) Finance, Insurance, Real Estate & Business Service and (2) Transportation & Communication sectors. Implications are that Saudi Arabia will cease to be a rentier state in the future and that, in tandem, the historically secure position of its authoritarian elites is likely to be at stake. Rising education levels, specialization in the private sector and urbanization levels, give indication the Saudi Arabian society will be able to articulate a demand for representation and accountability. Considering the late introduction of a 5% VAT tax and likely future tax increases, the probability of democratization processes is increasing. The adage “he who pays the piper calls the tune” will likely prove no exception in case of the rentier state. Ramifications for other rentier states are inclined to be corollary to that of Saudi Arabia. Albeit, heterogeneity among rentier states could prove to be detrimental for their survival.Show less
Despite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth...Show moreDespite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth century. Yet, Kuwait and Bahrain’s paths also both diverged. By employing a structured comparison of similar cases with different outcomes, this thesis seeks to explain the different paths pursued by the two monarchies, despite their identical liberalisation attempts. It is argued that the controlled parliamentary transition at the independence was planned by the rulers to secure their rule, while external threats acted as catalysts. While in Bahrain the external actors backed the Al Khalifa authoritarian tendencies, avoiding a parliamentary reinstatement, the Al Sabah repeatedly turned to the National Assembly to appease and balance the opposition. Consequently, a powerful parliament, considered dangerous in Bahrain, became an integral part of the Kuwaiti politics and identity.Show less
This paper presents a research conducted to expose the effects that renewable energy projects have on the rentier state of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The research contains a detailed description...Show moreThis paper presents a research conducted to expose the effects that renewable energy projects have on the rentier state of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The research contains a detailed description of the Saudi Arabian rentier state and the way this state is built up. The renewable energy projects that were, are and will be set up in this state are thoroughly discussed and the way these exact projects are formed is also described. A detailed overview of the parties involved in these projects is also provided. Furthermore, there is a successive part that also describes the way these renewable energy projects fit into the rentier state. Considering the foundation of the rentier state, certain difficulties, encountered with the implementation of the renewable energy projects, and their solutions are also discussed. Finally, the last chapter describes the future vision of the Saudi Arabian state, the effects the domestic developments might have on the wider region and expert vision on the developments. The study concludes by stating that there are, as assumed, effects of renewable energy on the rentier state. The renewable energy projects are, however, just like the fossil fuels in the rentier state theory, almost always completely managed by the state. In some cases directly by the state, in others indirectly via state grants and investments. The economy will be further diversified due to the renewable energy projects, but this has yet to take place. Concrete plans with foreign parties have been made but not yet executed. The focus of the current renewable energy projects is to take on the ever-growing domestic demand for energy so that the fossil fuels saved by these projects can be exported in order to sustain the rentier basis of the state. Overall, the renewable energy projects do effect the rentier state of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, but not necessarily threaten it.Show less
