The left-right binary as a concept is often too narrow and confined to serve as an explanation for complex political developments and changes. There are too many variables and incremental...Show moreThe left-right binary as a concept is often too narrow and confined to serve as an explanation for complex political developments and changes. There are too many variables and incremental differences between parties to place them on a spectrum solely based on a one-dimensional left-right understanding. Introducing a more detailed measurement is going to be challenging, to act as a substitute for the reductionist concept of left and right, as it is well rooted in the political discourse. In the case of the Green party in Germany, with the help of sophisticated variables such as the economy, migration politics and security, it is possible to delineate the party during a fixed time span. The analysis of the election programs from the last three national elections in Germany show that the Greens have not seized right-wing values but have toned down their commitment to left ones. There are clear indicators across all three assess variables that demonstrate a move away from the party’s traditionally socialist stance towards a less nuanced position of the center. Thus, an abandoning process can be detected and analyzed, which infers closer ties to center voters. To learn more about this development of the party, it is necessary to analyze more documents by the Greens like further election programs but also speeches and other statements as well as material about the party by political scientists or the party representatives’ behavior in the Bundestag. However, these endeavors go far beyond the scope of this thesis. Regarding the origins of the discovered shift, it is unclear, if it has occurred due to the initial entrance of the AfD or other major events that influenced the political sphere in Germany like the tragic terror attacks, or if the shift originated from an intrinsic motivation. The change in leadership, from a mixed constellation to solely “Realos” at the helm may indicate a long-term development of the party with a greater emphasis on pragmatism and flexibility than fundamental values. In the aftermath of the breakdown of the “Jamaika” talks, the Greens’ reputation and standing has not deteriorated as much as the FDP’s. Therefore, the trajectory of the Greens is difficult to predict (Spiegel Online 2017). The results of the aforementioned elections for the Green party are non-linear. In 2009 the Greens gained 10.7 percent of all the votes, followed by a drop in the next election with 8.4 percent on a domestic level. In the 2017 election they managed to recover and received 8.9 percent of the total votes (Statistisches Landesamt Baden-Württemberg 2017). When comparing the results with the SPD who went from 23 percent in the 2009 election to 25.7 percent in 2013 to 20.5 percent in 2017, the Greens managed to stabilize their party and avoid a further drop (Statistisches Landesamt Baden-Württemberg 2017). While comparing the results the observation that the Greens have benefitted from their shift in policies is partially correct. How the party is going to fare when populist parties such as the AfD continue to amass support and influence is a question that does not have to be limited to the Greens but can be asked of all major parties. German politics are experiencing turbulences and it remains to be seen when a more serene course is chosen. Consequently, public speeches delivered with such emotion and conviction, as the aforementioned speech by Cem Özdemir, may not remain an exception.Show less
It seems to have become a tendency to focus on the negative consequences of higher migration flows. More open borders would supposedly undermine the sovereignty of states and lead to an unfavorable...Show moreIt seems to have become a tendency to focus on the negative consequences of higher migration flows. More open borders would supposedly undermine the sovereignty of states and lead to an unfavorable lack of control over who enters the country and who does not. Yet I believe there are many good reasons to defend looser border controls and actually far fewer reasons to support strict immigration policies. The conviction with which almost every country in the world defends the right to leave a country, while they simultaneously resist to acknowledge a subsequent right to enter another country, is suprising to me. As Phillip Cole pointed out “one cannot consistently assert that there is a fundamental human right to emigration but no such right to immigration; the liberal asymmetry position is morally ethical, but also conceptually incoherent” (Cole, 2000, 46). Cole argues that in case of nation state, the right to exit one’s state is dependent upon entry elsewhere because there is no livable ‘space’ of statelessness (2011, 203-204). I share the same conviction that the notions of depart and entrance are conceptually intertwined. An analysis of the concept of rights, duties and democratic legitimacy will demonstrate that there is a moral right to leave and a subsequent moral right to enter a country.Show less
