The Korean Wave, or Hallyu (한류), has captivated global audiences through the popularity of K-pop artists, Korean dramas like ‘Squid Game’, and films such as ‘Parasite’. This phenomenon has boosted...Show moreThe Korean Wave, or Hallyu (한류), has captivated global audiences through the popularity of K-pop artists, Korean dramas like ‘Squid Game’, and films such as ‘Parasite’. This phenomenon has boosted South Korea’s soft power, motivating people to become fans. This thesis investigates whether K-pop, as a soft power tool, has a similar effect on audiences in the Netherlands. An open-ended questionnaire was sent to 12 K-pop fans and 11 non-fans as a control group. Thematic analysis reveals that the K-pop fan group shows they are motivated to seek out more Korean-related content and have a more positive perception of South Korea. In contrast, the non-fan group acknowledges South Korea’s growing positive reception but express uncertainty. A theoretical framework to analyze soft power has been established. The study suggests K-pop can positively influence perceptions of South Korea, contributing to its soft power, though this is more the case for people who are already K-pop fans as opposed to those who are non-fans.Show less
Advance care planning (ACP) is a process in which the patient expresses their wishes regarding future medical care in the presence of their family and health care provider. ACP is generally...Show moreAdvance care planning (ACP) is a process in which the patient expresses their wishes regarding future medical care in the presence of their family and health care provider. ACP is generally accepted in Western countries and has a positive effect on end-of-life care for people with dementia. However, culture affects expectations and preferences regarding end-of-life care and decision making. This study compared the acceptability of and preference for two types of ACP interventions for patients with dementia in health care providers from the Netherlands, the US and Japan. One intervention focused on concrete treatment orders in which the patient makes specific decisions. The other focused on what the patient finds important in life, resulting in global goals of care. A total of 125 participants were assessed by means of a structured interview and a questionnaire. Participants found both types of ACP acceptable, in general and per country. A multinomial logistic regression analysis indicated no significant difference in acceptability of the concrete or the global ACP approach between countries when adjusted for age and gender. However, age was a significant predictor of acceptability of the concrete ACP approach (2 (2, 123) = 6.32, p = .042), with older participants being less likely to find it acceptable compared to not finding it acceptable (W(8) = 5.50, p = 0.019). Participants preferred the global ACP approach for patients with dementia. A multinomial logistic regression analysis indicated no significant differences in preference between countries when adjusted for age and gender in general. However, Dutch participants were less likely to prefer the global ACP approach (W(8) = 5.18, p = .023). The relationship between country and preference was not influenced by whether participants most strongly considered what the patient with dementia wants for themselves, what the patient’s family wants or what they as the health care provider want for their patient when making medical decisions. ACP is generally regarded as an acceptable form of care for patients with dementia by health care providers across countries. Future research could more specifically determine which cultural or demographic aspects affect health care providers’ views on different ACP approaches.Show less
In recent years, countries all over the world have seen a great number of alleged cases of Chinese espionage and unwanted interference. The Netherlands is no exception. Instances of Chinese...Show moreIn recent years, countries all over the world have seen a great number of alleged cases of Chinese espionage and unwanted interference. The Netherlands is no exception. Instances of Chinese espionage and interference have become a ‘hot topic’ for Dutch media and politicians and seemingly caused much concern about national security, but to what extent did this reach the bilateral relations between the Netherlands and China? To provide more insight into this topic, this thesis aims to answer the question: how has Chinese espionage and unwanted interference impacted Sino-Dutch relations? It finds that while there have been increasing frictions between the Netherlands and China, also due to other issues, Sino-Dutch relations have not been significantly impacted by Chinese espionage and unwanted interference. This is due to several reasons, of which the most significant one is that the Netherlands has refrained from too much confrontation and for any actions that the Netherlands does take China blames the United States. Besides, other issues in the past, have also never had a significant impact on Sino-Dutch relations. However, while so far espionage and unwanted interference have not significantly impacted Sino-Dutch relations, it is uncertain whether the bilateral will remain as robust, especially because of geopolitical issues and a potentially more assertive Netherlands.Show less
Since 2005, despite restricting immigration policies, the Netherlands has had a persistent growth of migrants with a Russian background and of Russian-speaking migrants from other countries; more...Show moreSince 2005, despite restricting immigration policies, the Netherlands has had a persistent growth of migrants with a Russian background and of Russian-speaking migrants from other countries; more than half of these immigrants are women. This thesis gains an insight into how the urban environment in Dutch cities contributes to the sense of belonging of Russian-speaking first-generation migrant women and to the (potential) conflict among them and with the host society. Overall, Dutch cities allow these women to establish a meaningful connection with Dutch culture and history. Urban space, its history and aesthetics provide a framework to connect women’s personal narratives to a broader cultural and historical context. This, in turn, shapes local urban identity, which facilitates the immigrants’ sense of belonging and, consequently, the integration process. Additionally, the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has heightened the awareness towards Russian-speaking women’s identities and the Russian language’s increased presence in Dutch cities, which in turn has influenced tensions and the possibility of conflicts at the local level and primarily in urban spaces.Show less
Since 2005, despite restricting immigration policies, the Netherlands has had a persistent growth of migrants with a Russian background and of Russian-speaking migrants from other countries; more...Show moreSince 2005, despite restricting immigration policies, the Netherlands has had a persistent growth of migrants with a Russian background and of Russian-speaking migrants from other countries; more than half of these immigrants are women. This thesis gains an insight into how the urban environment in Dutch cities contributes to the sense of belonging of Russian-speaking first-generation migrant women and to the (potential) conflict among them and with the host society. Overall, Dutch cities allow these women to establish a meaningful connection with Dutch culture and history. Urban space, its history and aesthetics provide a framework to connect women’s personal narratives to a broader cultural and historical context. This, in turn, shapes local urban identity, which facilitates the immigrants’ sense of belonging and, consequently, the integration process. Additionally, the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has heightened the awareness towards Russian-speaking women’s identities and the Russian language’s increased presence in Dutch cities, which in turn has influenced tensions and the possibility of conflicts at the local level and primarily in urban spaces.Show less
Literature on the effect of campaign spending by political parties mainly focuses on the US context. This thesis attempts to examine the effect of campaign spending by political parties on...Show moreLiterature on the effect of campaign spending by political parties mainly focuses on the US context. This thesis attempts to examine the effect of campaign spending by political parties on proportional systems in Western Europe, with a case study of the Netherlands. The Netherlands was chosen because of its proportional system and high electoral volatility and effective number of electoral parties compared to other Western European countries. This allows the effects of campaign spending to be more apparent relative to other Western European countries (Bekkouche et al., 2022; McAllister, 2002). This thesis focuses on campaign spending by Dutch political parties during national elections from 1998 to 2021. The results section indicates that higher campaign spending by political parties results in greater electoral gain compared to the polls two months before election day. Additionally, this thesis provides indications that campaign spending has a differentiated effect depending on the size of the party. However, it is important to interpret these findings with caution due to data collection limitations.Show less
This case study analysis presents an analysis of the coordination between BOAs (municipal law enforcement officers) and the national police in the municipality of Vlissingen, in the southwest of...Show moreThis case study analysis presents an analysis of the coordination between BOAs (municipal law enforcement officers) and the national police in the municipality of Vlissingen, in the southwest of the Netherlands. The relationship between these actors in this form of plural policing will be determined through a theoretical framework that is adapted from the studies by Rice (2019) and O’Neill et al. (2022), which have provided variables to research if there is a junior or an equal partnership of coordination. Therefore, the research question is: How can the current coordination between the National Police and BOAs in Vlissingen be described? Through a combination of the qualitative research methods of document analysis and interview analysis, this study aims to investigate the dynamics and challenges associated with the cooperation of BOAs and the police in Vlissingen. The results show that in some areas we can consider an equal partnership and, in other areas, a junior one. The more the BOAs in Vlissingen professionalize, the more equal the partnership will become. Future research has the opportunity to draw more attention to the urgency of the professionalisation of BOAs and the impact this has on community policing in different regions of the Netherlands.Show less
Throughout its existence, the European Union has been challenged and criticized by populist parties from both the left-wing and right-wing of the political spectrum. As the growing support for...Show moreThroughout its existence, the European Union has been challenged and criticized by populist parties from both the left-wing and right-wing of the political spectrum. As the growing support for populist parties within Europe could have negative consequences for the future of the EU, this thesis is concerned with the Eurosceptic behaviour of populist parties in one member state of the EU, namely the Netherlands. This thesis conducts an analysis of the discourse and voting behaviour of a Dutch left-wing populist party, the Socialist Party, and right-wing populist party, the Party for Freedom, regarding the European Union in order to find out to what extent populist parties with different ideological persuasions share a Eurosceptic stance due to their shared populism. As a result, the research question of this thesis is: In what ways do populist left-wing and populist right-wing parties’ discourse and voting behaviour on the issue of the EU differ in the Netherlands? Based on the analysis of the chosen sources, which include party manifestos, parliamentary debates and votes in the Dutch House of Representatives, the final results of this analysis reveal that the left-wing SP and right-wing PVV do have some similar stances on the EU due to their populist background, but predominantly have different motivations for their Eurosceptic stance due to their ideological persuasions. Therefore, this thesis concludes that we cannot speak of a unified populist Eurosceptic narrative.Show less
This study examines possible ways the use of body-worn cameras (BWCs) may influence the legitimacy of police officers in the Netherlands, particularly in the context of community policing. For the...Show moreThis study examines possible ways the use of body-worn cameras (BWCs) may influence the legitimacy of police officers in the Netherlands, particularly in the context of community policing. For the analysis, a document study was conducted on six relevant reports published by (researchers by instruction of) the Dutch police force. Additionally, a semistructured interview was conducted with an area-bound police officer. The analysis process consisted of coding both the reports and the interview in Atlas.ti. Codes were derived from four identified dimensions of police legitimacy: police lawfulness, police distributive fairness, police procedural fairness and police effectiveness. The main conclusions that were drawn from this research are that: BWCs may either negatively or positively impact police lawfulness in general policing and may negatively impact police lawfulness specific to community policing. BWCs may either negatively or positively impact police distributive fairness in the case of both general and community policing. BWCs may positively impact police procedural fairness in the case of general policing and either positively or negatively in the case of community policing. BWCs may positively impact the police effectiveness in the case of general policing and either positively or negatively in the case of community policing. The key difference identified for this difference is community police officers making less use of their BWC with the goal of officer-community relations in mind. The main limitations of this research are in its limited timeframe and selection of empirical material.Show less
On the 24th of February,1848, the Belgian ambassador in London informed the English Foreign Minister Palmerston of the Belgian stance regarding the new developments in France. The ambassador told...Show moreOn the 24th of February,1848, the Belgian ambassador in London informed the English Foreign Minister Palmerston of the Belgian stance regarding the new developments in France. The ambassador told Palmerston that “a republican France was an aggressive and conquering France.” The memories of the French Revolutionary Wars and the subsequent Napoleonic Wars were still fresh in Europe. Had it not been a French Republic that had threatened the European Balance of Power, subduing the existing states and creating puppet states across the continent? A French Republic that had turned on its rightful king and deposed him before trying to subjugate the lawful order in Europe? The same Republic that had turned into an imperial power under the guidance of Napoleon the likes of which had not been seen since the days of Rome? The parallels to the events of 1789 had to have been frightening to the crowned heads of Europe and their governments. On the 24th, Frederick William IV of Prussia informed Victoria of Britain that he looked at France in fear of a new European war. In the newly formed nation of Belgium, the news of the new French Revolution was met with dread in governmental circles. In the Netherlands, the messages from the French capital of Paris were met with anticipation and uneasiness. When Tsar Nicholas heard of the news he reacted calmly, but immediately stated that Russia would march to war if any infractions were made on existing treaties. He also put a million more rubles at the disposal of the war ministry. Additionally, he wrote a letter to Victoria that a Russo-British union as discussed in 1844 may be needed to ensure stability in Europe. The general consensus at the time among the leaders of European nations was that war was inevitable. France was militarily, by virtue of its population, still one of the most powerful nations on the continent and if it would lead to war, it would mean untold destruction in a display that would appear to be a replica of the events that had happened a little over three decades ago. In the Low Countries, the subject of this thesis, the consequences of the Belgian Revolution of 1830 were still felt strongly. The Belgian Revolution had broken out after the July Revolution in Paris, that had seen the Orleanist take-over of France. It seemed likely that this new French Revolution, a Republican Revolution this time, would also move beyond the borders of France into the Low Countries and bring about another time of violence and war in Belgium and the Netherlands. Except history does not move in predictable patterns. Knowledge of the past does not make one a seer and although a war may have seemed inevitable, it was avoided nonetheless. The diplomatic crisis surrounding this new French Revolution however, is often downplayed in historical works, which have mostly focused on the spread of Revolution across the continent when discussing 1848. Yet, revolution and war were intrinsically linked at the time, especially if that revolution occurred in France. A Revolutionary France would mean a threat to European peace and the balance of power, but it was also a beacon for revolutionaries across the continent who felt supported by a Republican France that might come to their aid, militarily if need be. It may ultimately have been the case that no war in Europe erupted in 1848, but this does not mean that war had not loomed large over the governments of the Low Countries and Europe in general. A manifesto by the French Foreign minister of the Provisional Government Lamartine was sent to all the other courts of Europe one week after the initial Revolution in Paris. It had the intent of unlinking war and revolution (in France), because they were so intrinsically linked in the mind of the 19th century governments. The main objective of the manifesto was legitimising the rule of the Provisional Government and to make sure the reactionary powers would not see the new French Republic as an existential threat. The traumas of the French Revolutionary Wars were specifically addressed. If we consider Lamartine’s manifesto and the Belgian ambassador’s words, this parallel of revolution in France and war was very much on the minds of the contemporary players of the international game of diplomacy.Show less
This study is an effort to extrapolate the patterns that exist in parliamentary voting in the Dutch Parliament. It investigates what party- and vote characteristics influence the divisions between...Show moreThis study is an effort to extrapolate the patterns that exist in parliamentary voting in the Dutch Parliament. It investigates what party- and vote characteristics influence the divisions between coalition and opposition and between left and right that exist in parliamentary voting. Using a triadic model on all recorded votes in the 2017-2021 parliamentary term, this study finds that the proposing actor, proposal type, and proposal subject are relevant predictors of the division that will come about in a parliamentary vote. Specifically, this study provides evidence for three points. Firstly, amendments, bills, and budgets are found to have a stronger left-right division than motions, which have a more dominant coalition-opposition split. Secondly, proposals from opposition parties are found to have a stronger coalition- opposition division than proposals from the government or coalition. Thirdly, contrary to theoretical expectations, this study only finds very limited effect of topical ideological distance on votes pertaining to said topic. The effect is only significant for proposals on economics and environment. This study contributes to the literature by using an extensive dataset and an innovative triadic method. In doing so, this study has attempted to further understanding of parliamentary behaviour based on coalition- and opposition membership and ideology in the Dutch Parliament.Show less
Why do Member States, that are similar in many aspects, still have varying levels of compliance? As current compliance theories are unable to answer this question a new theory has been developed...Show moreWhy do Member States, that are similar in many aspects, still have varying levels of compliance? As current compliance theories are unable to answer this question a new theory has been developed that adds an historical aspect into compliance research: the challenging attitude approach. This theory proposes that earlier adopted attitudes by Member States, that range from agreeable to challenging, which they display before, during and after infringement proceedings, affect future compliance. Member States initially base these attitudes on a normative assumption about the importance of compliance to a policy field. For this research the Netherlands has been compared to Belgium, which yearly faces twice the amount of infringement proceedings as the Netherlands. Portugal has been to Spain, which faces from 10% more to twice the amount of infringement proceedings as Portugal. Their portrayed attitudes in regards to the Dangerous Substances Directive and the Birds Directive have been studied. This research showed, however, that Belgium did not adopt a challenging attitude more often than the Netherlands. Spain did adopt a challenging attitude more often than Portugal. There was also great variation displayed by Member States in adopted attitude per directive. However, there appears to be a correlation between adopted attitude and future compliance. More research is needed to make substantial claims about the challenging attitude approach.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
In two cases of the decision to deploy military forces, Bosnia and Uruzgan, the role of the Dutch intelligence culture in the decision-making process and the role Dutch strategic culture within the...Show moreIn two cases of the decision to deploy military forces, Bosnia and Uruzgan, the role of the Dutch intelligence culture in the decision-making process and the role Dutch strategic culture within the Dutch Intelligence culture is researched.Show less
This thesis aims to understand the impact of the 2015-2016 refugee crisis on the parliamentary discourse in the Netherlands and Greece. It does so by drawing on Triandafyllidou’s (2018) work on...Show moreThis thesis aims to understand the impact of the 2015-2016 refugee crisis on the parliamentary discourse in the Netherlands and Greece. It does so by drawing on Triandafyllidou’s (2018) work on media and political discourse, which proposed an important distinction between three discursive frames developed in response to the refugee crisis: 1) a moralizing frame; 2) a security frame; and 3) a rationalizing frame. The goal is to trace these frames in Dutch and Greek parliamentary debates, as parliaments have not received much attention in the academic debate. The analysis covers transcripts of plenary sessions in parliamentary debates between August 2015 and April 2016. Following the work of Triandafyllidou (2018), the key hypothesis is that the longer a refugee crisis lasts, the more parliamentary debates become dominated by a rationalizing frame, regardless of how affected countries are by refugee inflows. The findings identify that no particular frame dominated the parliamentary debates, indicating that political parties remained stable on the left-right dimension. Thus, against the expectations from the literature on the 2015-2016 refugee crisis, the thesis demonstrates that the refugee crisis did not impact the political discourse in EU member states.Show less
The Quina flaking system is a relatively new Middle Palaeolithic lithic technocomplex recognized and studied until now only in Southwestern France. It has been argued that this technology was...Show moreThe Quina flaking system is a relatively new Middle Palaeolithic lithic technocomplex recognized and studied until now only in Southwestern France. It has been argued that this technology was developed by Neanderthal groups to cope with the decreasing global temperatures and the environmental changes of the last glaciation. The Quina system, until now, is largely unattested in North Europe, where the glacial climate was more pronounced. Why is a technology evolved for the survival in cold environments absent in regions particularly affected by the glaciation? The presence of this technology in the Northern fringes of the Neanderthals’ ecological niche might shed light on the reasons behind Neanderthals’ technological behaviour. It might further provide important clues for a better understanding of whether the variability in the Middle Palaeolithic archaeological record derives from cultural diversity or functional/technical necessities or other factors. This research identifies, through quantitative and qualitative analyses, and comparative studies of lithic materials, the technological traces of unretouched flakes from the site of Colmont-Ponderosa (South Limburg, the Netherlands). This study confirms that at some point during the last glaciation, the Neanderthal groups were users of the Quina technology. The presence of this technology in the North and at such a distance (around seven-hundred kilometers) from the closest certain Quina sites might be the result of techno-cultural convergence. But it might also indicate the point of origin of this technology, which was later dispersed to the Sout, when the environment became too harsh, or it might indicate a dispersal from the South to the North. To confirm this hypothesis a re-evaluation of other Northern assemblages is necessary: if the Quina technology is present at Colmont-Ponderosa, it could be present elsewhere, overlooked because of the relative novelty of the Quina technocomplex.Show less
In this thesis, the following research question is answered: What is the reliability of Jan Danckaert’s Dutch description of seventeenth-century Muscovy? The methodology used is comparative...Show moreIn this thesis, the following research question is answered: What is the reliability of Jan Danckaert’s Dutch description of seventeenth-century Muscovy? The methodology used is comparative philology, through a close reading analysis a comparison is made between different texts to study whether one makes use of the other as a source. Only a preliminary answer can be given to the research question. On the one hand, since the work is not purely written by Danckaert, but makes use of information given by both Herberstein and Massa without mentioning these sources, it is not reliable as a source of how a Dutchman perceived Muscovy at the beginning of the seventeenth century. On the other hand, if you purely look at the ratio between chapters that are demonstrably copied and those that seem to be purely written by Danckaert, one could conclude that this work written by Danckaert is fairly reliable to see how the Dutch perceived the Russian people at the beginning of the seventeenth century. The negative image of the Russians that is conveyed in this work influences the way the Dutch perceive them, who at that time did not have many different sources on which they could base their opinion.Show less
Foreign aid policies vary greatly in their means and ends. Long-term development policies, aiming to promote development and welfare, distinguish from short-term humanitarian policies that respond...Show moreForeign aid policies vary greatly in their means and ends. Long-term development policies, aiming to promote development and welfare, distinguish from short-term humanitarian policies that respond to humanitarian emergency crises. Politicians seem to differ in their preferences, leading scholars to question how these preferences emerge. Existing literature has been focusing on theories of elite competition in explaining why states construct and implement certain policies. However, these theories seem to ignore the concept of political agency, and grant no primacy to the role of ideas and values. This thesis aims to fill this gap by asking how party ideologies influence foreign aid policy preferences. It employs the discursive legitimation model of Van Leeuwen (2008) to analyze Dutch parliamentary debates. Here, it is found that conservative values affect politicians to refer to authorization and rationalization when legitimizing their preferences, while liberal values work through to moral evaluation and story-telling strategies. This confirms that ideas and ideologies do matter for policy preferences.Show less
