The Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian...Show moreThe Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian conflict, which started with peaceful protests in 2011. Such a narrative is based on a static and primordial view of Syria. As a response to that narrative this thesis uses social class theory to examine the years in Syria’s political economy in the years preceding the 2011 uprising. The five years before the uprising are important from an economic, social and political perspective as Syria initiated a transition to a social market economy. The two research question are as follows: How did Syria’s economic liberalisation from 2006 to 2010 change socioeconomic conditions vis-à-vis Syria’s civil uprising in 2011? And what role does social class play in Syria's socioeconomic grievances? The research questions are answered through case studies of the agricultural sector, investments in Syria, and the economic transition’s connection to the 2011 uprising. The case studies’ results are that socioeconomic conditions of lower and middle classes stagnated or worsened in the years before the uprising, displayed in unemployment and a widening wealth gap. Investments patterns in Syria in the economic liberalisation show how profits went those in the upper and ruling classes with ties to the regime. By that, it is concluded that class played a large role in Syria’s socioeconomic grievances that played a partial role in creating circumstances for the 2011 uprising. The explanation is, nonetheless, not sufficient on its own to explain the 2011 uprising. Future research on Syria’s political economy should continue to focus on classes and other social communities in order to provide better explanations for societal changes.Show less
In de nasleep van de Eerste Wereldoorlog kreeg Groot-Brittannië te maken met wijdverspreide onrust tegen haar bewind in het Midden-Oosten. In 1920 kwamen ook grote delen van Mesopotamië - het...Show moreIn de nasleep van de Eerste Wereldoorlog kreeg Groot-Brittannië te maken met wijdverspreide onrust tegen haar bewind in het Midden-Oosten. In 1920 kwamen ook grote delen van Mesopotamië - het latere mandaat Irak - in opstand. Winston Churchill was, als Minister van Oorlog, verantwoordelijk voor de militaire reactie op deze opstand. Maar hij had een eigen agenda: bezuinigen op de dure Britse grondtroepen in het mandaatgebied. Hoe kon hij de opstand neerslaan en tegelijkertijd zware militaire bezuinigingen doorvoeren? In hoeverre was hij succesvol in het doorvoeren van dit militair-economische beleid? En hoe konden de Britten met beperkte financiële middelen alsnog controle houden op het mandaat?Show less
Research master thesis | African Studies (research) (MA)
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New ICTs, such as mobile phones and social media, are increasingly being seen as catalysers for political engagement, the spark of revolutions, or breaking power relations between political elites...Show moreNew ICTs, such as mobile phones and social media, are increasingly being seen as catalysers for political engagement, the spark of revolutions, or breaking power relations between political elites and the ‘information poor’. They have been centralised in the explanation of the Arab Spring and the wave of popular uprisings that occurred from 2010 onwards. It is safe to say that new ICTs indeed play a role in how information is spread and how people are mobilised for protest. However, the need for a reflection on why these new ICTs have a part in the outcome of uprisings within its respective context was often lacking. Moreover, it has often been left undiscussed what happens after a revolution or popular uprising. Is there actual social or political change, or does it often lead to an illusion or deception? New ICTs can prove to be extremely useful in mobilisation, the creation and spread of information and awakening a sense of political agency. Nevertheless, a country’s history, and its social, political and economic context might prove to be just as important when understanding the complexities of popular uprisings and their aftermath. This thesis discusses the case of Burkina Faso, where in the period of one year, the population rose up twice to demand change, justice and accountability. In October 2014, the Burkinabè massively hit the streets and within a ‘ten day revolution’ they ousted Blaise Compaoré who had been in power for 27 years. In September 2015, the Burkinabè again hit the streets to condemn a coup d’état that was executed by the former right-hand of Blaise Compaoré. Both uprisings were successful, meaning that those protesting achieved their short-term goals of ousting Blaise Compaoré and stopping a coup d’état. However, the question remains if they ensured change on the long-term and why new ICTs played a role in these successes. This thesis draws upon six months of extensive fieldwork in Burkina Faso and months of employing digital ethnographies, to understand if, why and how new ICTs played a role in the growth, outcome and aftermath of the Burkinabè uprisings. It argues that new ICTs played a major role in both uprisings because it brought together a collective of like-minded people and it ensured rapid mobilisation. However, we should be careful in putting them at the forefront of the explanation of political unrest and uprisings, because the socio-political context, historical background, existing political tensions and social structures may affect its effects.Show less
