One year into the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war, debates still rage over the Russian motivations for this war. Purely international explanations, found in offensive and defensive realism, emphasise that...Show moreOne year into the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war, debates still rage over the Russian motivations for this war. Purely international explanations, found in offensive and defensive realism, emphasise that wars are best understood as a means of states to ensure security among states. I argue that domestic considerations matter by stressing the analytical utility of the selectorate theory of war, which argues that state behaviour is best explained by a leader's desire to stay in power through ensuring loyalty by providing public and private goods. Using a qualitative explanatory case study research design, focusing on a single case: the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It is found that before the war, Vladimir Putin was facing a crisis of political survival because his ability to ensure support from the elites he depended on and the wider public was increasingly constrained during his presidency due to a persistently stagnating economy. The war strengthened Putin’s political survival because newly acquired territories provide new sources of revenue for Russia’s elites. For the wider public, this study strongly suggests that Putin was aiming for a rally round the flag effect to distract the public at home from deteriorating circumstances and temporarily reduce the demand for public goods. In addition, the war legitimised greater repression, which signals a high cost of expressing discontent with Putin which deters future opposition and serves as a means to purge the elites and the broader public from disloyalty. Understanding these domestic factors that are negated by the purely international explanations of war is crucial for understanding the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war. This thesis provides a novel contribution to the literature explaining Russia’s foreign policies by using the selectorate theory of war, a theory that has not been used systematically for explaining Russia’s foreign policy.Show less
Het sultanaat Banten kende na de stichting in de zestiende eeuw een turbulente geschiedenis die zich liet kenmerken door interne conflicten binnen de bovenlaag van de Bantense bevolking in een...Show moreHet sultanaat Banten kende na de stichting in de zestiende eeuw een turbulente geschiedenis die zich liet kenmerken door interne conflicten binnen de bovenlaag van de Bantense bevolking in een periode voordat de VOC een grote rol kreeg in Zuidoost-Azië. Deze scriptie gaat op zoek naar de oorzaak achter de interne conflicten en hierbij zet de spelers in Banten en hun motivaties uiteen. De Bantense conflicten uitten zich langs de lijnen van steeds terugkomende tegenstellingen tussen de havenstad en deShow less
Russian actions in the Russo-Ukrainian War have been widely interpreted as a holistically coordinated, integrative approach to war – dubbed hybrid warfare. Hybrid warfare has, in recent decades,...Show moreRussian actions in the Russo-Ukrainian War have been widely interpreted as a holistically coordinated, integrative approach to war – dubbed hybrid warfare. Hybrid warfare has, in recent decades, been accepted as a strategic concept into the doctrinal documents of key Western military actors, including NATO and the EU. This paper argues that analysts misinterpret Russia’s operational, context-dependent opportunism in Ukraine as a holistic strategic method. So, in order to examine the extent to which Russian actions in Ukraine are actually strategic and whether the contemporary hybrid warfare concept improves or stifles that understanding, this paper examines the following: to what extent is Russian so-called hybrid warfare in Ukraine strategic? Three key events in the Russo-Ukrainian War are analysed using classical theory on strategy as a guiding framework, making use of a thematic case study analysis. It is shown that Russian actions in Ukraine are classically strategic to a highly limited extent because (1) battle is not always central and (2) Russian political coordination is either absent or opportunistic. Russian actions in Ukraine thus do not indicate a holistically integrated strategic method – which Western observers have eagerly dubbed hybrid warfare. Rather, the reality shows a method of operational opportunism enabled by a permissive political and battlespace-context. Hybrid warfare therefore does not merit adoption as a strategic concept, because it is not strategic. Using hybrid warfare as a strategic concept thus dilutes what we perceive to be strategic – and what we perceive to be warfare – proving the importance of testing new concepts against classical wisdom.Show less
The prime purpose of this paper is examining the varieties of Orientalist discourse in major Hollywood war movies which simultaneous depict Afghanistan and show favour towards US foreign policy. In...Show moreThe prime purpose of this paper is examining the varieties of Orientalist discourse in major Hollywood war movies which simultaneous depict Afghanistan and show favour towards US foreign policy. In order to draw a conclusion, the methodological framework was set using Orientalist themes from the work of Edward Said as a way of examining the discourse within the sample movies. The first movie examined is Rambo: First Blood III, set during the close of the Cold War. To have variety across the movies’ political landscapes and times, the second examined was the award-winning Zero Dark Thirty, set in the post-9/11 era. The last movie, Lone Survivor, however, was picked in order to challenge my main hypothesis – it is a US war movie depicting brotherhood between the two sides. My main conclusion was that the motive throughout all three movies was the Orientalist mindscape being exploited for military justification of the US wars abroad. Be it supporting or demonising the other, it always had a favourable outcome for US foreign policy rather than being critical of it. Seen from the point of view of art reflecting reality, it serves as a model showcasing how Orientalist discourse can be exploited, thus motivating military operations in the Orient. This in turn amplifies conflict and creates false symbolic imprints on audiences attracted to the genre.Show less
Since their decolonisation, the DRC has endured a serie of wars leaving the country in a state of anarchy. Sexual violence has been used throughout the years as a tool to dominate the population...Show moreSince their decolonisation, the DRC has endured a serie of wars leaving the country in a state of anarchy. Sexual violence has been used throughout the years as a tool to dominate the population and undermine their powers in the society. The UN has been an important actor when assisting the victims of rape and they hold the responsability to protect the cvilians. However, they have not completly fulfilled their duties and the DRC remains known as the rape capital of the world. Despite MONUSCO being the largest and most expensive mission of the UN, the congolese populations still live with the fear to endure sexual violence, and its consequences, on a daily basis.Show less
It this thesis I intend to unveil the constructed nature of the Austrian post-war identity narratives and the consequences they continue to have today. I will investigate how, after the Second...Show moreIt this thesis I intend to unveil the constructed nature of the Austrian post-war identity narratives and the consequences they continue to have today. I will investigate how, after the Second World War, the conferment of the political neutrality status enabled Austria to reinvent its national identity and withdraw from war guilt. The constructed narratives consist of elements from the history of its imperial and pre-war cultural past. These continue to prevail and despite the emergence of a counter-narrative.Show less
This thesis proposal seeks to assess the legal plight of Afghan refugees who fled to Iran, when the Taliban came into power in 1994-2001. It will investigate the factual circumstances to establish...Show moreThis thesis proposal seeks to assess the legal plight of Afghan refugees who fled to Iran, when the Taliban came into power in 1994-2001. It will investigate the factual circumstances to establish their status as refugees under international law. It will define the role of the Iranian State and its legal responsibilities to refugees. Analysis of the historical facts involving the refugees, and the legal responsibilities of the State of Iran leads to the conclusive findings enclosed. It concludes with recommendations for the State of Iran, how to raise its standard of treatment of refugees within its borders to international human right standards. Most of the Afghans fled to Iran, but also to other neighboring countries such as Pakistan and Uzbekistan. According to Strand and Suhrke (2004) This mass displacement involved 2,3 million Afghans refugees in Iran. As this thesis proposes failures on behalf of the State of Iran it is important to identify the factual conditions refugees were facing in the host country. As, this paper is critically examining how the government of Iran, the host country, dealt with the Afghan refugees during the Taliban reign from 1994 until 2001, It argues laws imposed on Afghan refugees in Iran were disproportionate. This thesis intends to convey how important the refugees could be for Iran and how Iran better could deal with the refugees. It does so, by identifying, facts, legal issues and through analysis and conclusion; proposes international protocols and standards for change.Show less
War brings about destruction and loss of human life, and should be avoided at all cost. Unfortunately, sometimes, the same values that makes us want to avoid war are the ones that need defending....Show moreWar brings about destruction and loss of human life, and should be avoided at all cost. Unfortunately, sometimes, the same values that makes us want to avoid war are the ones that need defending. At times, war is necessary to put an end to destruction and attacks on human life and restore a status quo based on these moral values. Looking at various tools, most notably contemporary just war theory, this master thesis will argue that the Western military powers have a moral right – if not a moral duty towards the oppressed foreign populations as well as their own citizens – to intervene militarily in Syria and Iraq, where the so-called Islamic State spreads fear, chaos and destruction. There is a caveat to this, however. Those who intervene must carefully consider their chances of success and assure a just peace in the wake of the violence that rules there. A just intention is meaningless if the end is not just too.Show less
During the ‘20s and ‘30s a new art form rapidly gained popularity in Shanghai, A group of Chinese artists aimed to establish cartooning as a recognized art form in China in a period quickly...Show moreDuring the ‘20s and ‘30s a new art form rapidly gained popularity in Shanghai, A group of Chinese artists aimed to establish cartooning as a recognized art form in China in a period quickly overshadowed by war. Manhua defies simple definition, styles and content of works carrying the name ‘manhua’ can differ substantially. The city Shanghai played an important role in the story of the development of the Chinese art of cartooning. By the 1920’s Shanghai, then the largest metropolis of China, was experiencing a publishing boom.Especially in the beginning a lot of effort was put in by artists to get recognition for their work, by adopting the term ‘manhua’ to group together similar works, they hoped to turn cartoons into an established art form. The start of the second Sino-Japanese war in 1937 marked a turning point for the art of cartooning. Up to this point mostly an urban art form, often lacking in political message, now cartoonists employed their craft to try and influence the Chinese masses. During the war a lot of the diversity in form that could be found before was lost, the clear goal of manhua would now decide on the shape of the images.Show less
