Lebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most...Show moreLebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most diverse protest movement in decades and its anti-sectarian stature was entirely unprecedented. For the first time, many Lebanese called on their confessional leaders to resign. This thesis examines firstly why the uprising directed its focus toward political sectarianism as a primary cause of Lebanon’s political and economic plight. The inability or unwillingness of sectarian leaders to deliver basic services to their constituents created a situation in which Lebanese across all sects were more united than ever before in their collective plight. Second, it explores the timing of the uprising in the fall of 2019. It argues that the uprising was the culmination of simmering resentments that finally erupted as a result of deteriorating economic conditions, political corruption, and a series of disasters that the government failed to prevent or address. Lastly, the thesis investigates how the uprising helped propel anti-sectarian ideas that were previously taboo into mainstream political discourse. While the 17 October Uprising ultimately failed to achieve its objective of establishing a secular rather than sectarian political order, it stands as the most significant challenge to political sectarianism in the country’s history and could pave the way for future mobilizations in the same vein. This thesis will contribute to the nascent body of literature on the 17 October Uprising and the broader scholarship on sectarian power-sharing as a system of governance.Show less
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk is not only recognized as the founder of modern Turkey but also revered as its "eternal leader." His image holds significant cultural and political weight in Turkey, and...Show moreMustafa Kemal Atatürk is not only recognized as the founder of modern Turkey but also revered as its "eternal leader." His image holds significant cultural and political weight in Turkey, and understanding how it is constructed and portrayed in media is crucial for comprehending the evolution of Turkish national identity. This thesis explores the portrayal of Atatürk's image in cultural products, specifically through TV series, and how this portrayal has evolved over time, with a focus on the comparison between the TV series Liberation (1994) and Crossroad (2012). Using the research methodology of film analysis, this paper conducts a comparative study of two television series from content and context perspectives. It argues that while both television series emphasize Atatürk’s role as a Turkish nationalist, dedicated to modernization and democratic reforms, Liberation attempts to depict him as an almost unopposed omnipotent leader and retells the official history. In contrast, Crossroad highlights the significant disagreements between the Republican People's Party officials and Atatürk, as well as societal opposition to the party’s rule in the context of the establishment of a loyal opposition party, Liberal Republican Party. These differences are closely related to the changes in Atatürk veneration and the secular institutions’ status from the 1990s to the 2010s, shifts in the government's promotion of national identity, and the policies of the Justice and Development Party government in the 2010s. In summary, this thesis addresses the previous research gap regarding the portrayal of Atatürk in television series and links the trajectory of Atatürk's image transformation to the social and political changes in Turkey.Show less
The question of the Palestinian and Israeli conflict and the political situation at hand strongly indicates that the existing popular culture is influenced by power and politics. Film as a form of...Show moreThe question of the Palestinian and Israeli conflict and the political situation at hand strongly indicates that the existing popular culture is influenced by power and politics. Film as a form of popular culture is also influenced by the wider discourse of world politics and beholds the features of broadcasting certain messages to the audience. Therefore, film is worth studying as a potential medium to convey the struggle of the Palestinian people. This research provides a better understanding of the importance of culture as a political medium in the Palestinian struggle, especially in the global context, given regard to the correlation between politics and culture. More specifically, the research aimed to analyze how contemporary art house films about the Palestinian struggle relate to the new form of the intifada also referred to as the global intifada. The research focused on three art house films from 2013 onwards: Mars At Sunrise, Condom Lead and In Vitro. The analysis was based on how these films relate to the characteristics of the global intifada, such as the cultural, intersectional, decolonial-global and inter/national features through interconnected-joint initiatives. To gain a better understanding of the social relationship between these film productions and the global intifada, the theory of Pierre Bourdieu of the cultural field was applied. The findings suggest that these films, as a cultural medium, visualize the global intifada mainly through cultural practice. Non-traditional film techniques and genres, such as visual effects and fantasy/science fiction, are hereby key factors. Moreover, the statements of the film producers indicate an inter/national, and most importantly global, approach to highlighting the Palestinian struggle in their artworks. Finally, the works relate to the transformational and decolonial character of this intifada, as they challenge the wider public to change their narrative of the Palestinian individual and the Palestinian struggle.Show less
In recent years, several Israeli newspapers reported changes in the state’s filmmaking industry. Governmental intervention in the domestic film industry is a common phenomenon. However, the current...Show moreIn recent years, several Israeli newspapers reported changes in the state’s filmmaking industry. Governmental intervention in the domestic film industry is a common phenomenon. However, the current situation in Israel suggests a high level of political interference with the state’s filmmaking industry that problematizes the work of Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian filmmakers. This thesis seeks to explore this phenomenon by asking the following umbrella question: how does the Israeli political climate influence the filmmaking industry? Through a multidisciplinary approach, this research first demonstrates that the struggles of Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian filmmakers stem from the far-right conceptualization of “state loyalty”, equated with the ability of filmmakers to adhere to the state’s narrative. In Israel “state loyalty” is not just an abstract notion. On the contrary, by zooming in on the political conditions and legal actions of the last decade, this thesis shows that the government enacted specific legislations to reinforce the narrative that Israel is a Jewish and democratic state. In doing so, filmmakers’ criticism of and/or opposition to the state narrative is cast as “state disloyalty”. Using four documentaries as a case study contributes to better elucidating the situation. Indeed, the juxtaposition of Folman’s Waltz with Bashir and Bakri’s Jenin Jenin as well as the analysis of Two Kids a Day and H2: The Occupation Lab, show that Israel’s political and legislative superstructures are actively repressing artistic expression of dissenting narratives. Furthermore, the case study demonstrates that political and legal consequences particularly arise when filmmakers bring attention to the Palestinian narrative.Show less
Although Saudi Arabia is usually associated with Islam and Wahhabism, a change in the national narrative has been noticed in the last decades. Since King Abdullah’s realm until the contemporary...Show moreAlthough Saudi Arabia is usually associated with Islam and Wahhabism, a change in the national narrative has been noticed in the last decades. Since King Abdullah’s realm until the contemporary Muhammad bin Salman, a more secularist component has been introduced to Saudi Arabian identity. This phenomenon becomes more evident when it comes to studying Ǧaḥiliyya. This historical period has always been considered the opposite of Islam, but nowadays it is an important part of Saudi Arabian identity. This thesis will shed light on this phenomenon, starting with the following research questions: What are the main reasons for reshaping Saudi national Identity? How is the revival of the Pre-Islamic period forming a new national identity? A multidisciplinary approach will demonstrate that this shift is the direct consequence of historical events that happened from the 1980s to the 2000s and that the revaluation of Ǧaḥiliyya is a way to develop this new identity. The comparison between the traditional Wahhabi idea of Ǧaḥiliyya and its narration within museums, archaeological sites and festivals will demonstrate that Ǧaḥiliyya is not associated anymore with cultural ignorance, but it is exalted for its cultural flourishment, especially with poetry. The case study of Nabaṭī poetry in the national TV program Ŝāʿir al-Rāya will show that poets are the carriers of the Saudi pre-Islamic tradition, and the Saudi State becomes the protector of this important collective memory.Show less
