One of the central points developed in this thesis is that the Nigerian-Biafran War, represented in Chinua Achebe's Girls at War and Other Stories (1972) and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's Half of a...Show moreOne of the central points developed in this thesis is that the Nigerian-Biafran War, represented in Chinua Achebe's Girls at War and Other Stories (1972) and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's Half of a Yellow Sun (2006), exacerbates the deterioration of Biafra by revealing the inherited corruption adopted from colonisation. The lives and identities of both Achebe's and Adichie's central characters are dramatically altered when exposed to the trials and traumas of civil war; relationships break down, national pride falters and societal constructs are dismantled. By humanising stories of civil conflict, both narratives work towards shaping and legitimising the wartime experiences of the Igbo community, whose struggle for independence has often been blamed as the cause of a disastrous civil war.Show less
This thesis looks at two scholarly works researching the debt traps in Nigeria and Sri Lanka. From these two scholarly works factors are derived and evaluated that, according to the scholarly works...Show moreThis thesis looks at two scholarly works researching the debt traps in Nigeria and Sri Lanka. From these two scholarly works factors are derived and evaluated that, according to the scholarly works, helped cause Nigeria and Sri Lanka's debt trap. These factors are then used to evaluate the case of Ethiopia and see to what extend this country runs the same risks. This thesis shows that based on the factors derived from the two scholarly sources, data on Ethiopia shows the presence of these factors, which indicate a risk for a possible future debt trap.Show less
The African continent is about to play a prominent role on the world stage, yet challenges regarding health, environment, corruption and inequality remain. To address this, previous years have...Show moreThe African continent is about to play a prominent role on the world stage, yet challenges regarding health, environment, corruption and inequality remain. To address this, previous years have witnessed the rise of ‘social entrepreneurship’ in sub-Sahara Africa. Incorporating a societal or environmental vision at its core, the social enterprise has the potential to be particularly effective in stimulating (local) economic growth. In their own environment, these social entrepreneurs face an array of unique challenges that ordinary Western business literature does not cover. This thesis makes a case to acknowledge the context in which these social entrepreneurs operate and investigates how they incorporate Western business tools in their own strategies. It also considers the importance of knowledge interpretation and creation and the influence of urbanization, globalization and digitalization on this process. The research questions are: How are Western business concepts and technologies interpreted and applied by local social entrepreneurs in Lagos, Nigeria and in what ways are they helpful in tackling the social entrepreneur’s unique challenges? Additionally, this thesis examines whether there are other sources from which local social entrepreneurs can derive strategies and tools in order to solve their problems and become more effective in creating impact. The findings, which are based on a single case study and a focus group discussion with several Lagos-based social entrepreneurs suggest that while Western business concepts can be very useful on some levels, the local social entrepreneurs have difficulty in effectively applying them to their own situation. Finally, the discoveries in this thesis suggest that African social entrepreneurs can tackle these challenges by creating, recording and sharing their own data and knowledge with each other in order to seize agency in the field of social entrepreneurship.Show less
This research was designed to identify and critically examine social-economic conditions of IDPs in 10 informal settlements in Abuja, Nigeria. Data were collected mainly in the face-to face...Show moreThis research was designed to identify and critically examine social-economic conditions of IDPs in 10 informal settlements in Abuja, Nigeria. Data were collected mainly in the face-to face interviews, observations and informal discussion group. The results show that IDPs in informal settlements are vulnerable and live in very poor conditions. The most alarming data is that some of them have not received any kind support from the Government in years. For this reason, it is important to fill the gap of knowledge in this field in order to provide authorities and other actors (NGOs and international organization) updated data.Show less
Over the last decades, China went from an underdeveloped nation to the world’s fastest growing economy. In the meantime, China’s economic relations have massively increased with nation from all...Show moreOver the last decades, China went from an underdeveloped nation to the world’s fastest growing economy. In the meantime, China’s economic relations have massively increased with nation from all economic, political and sociocultural backgrounds. Chinese trade with Africa grew during the post-colonial period and continued to rise as African nations gradually develop. Those partnerships remain distinct from others however, since there seems to be added pressure for economic trade to unequivocally benefit the African side when Chinese trade is involved. Indeed, when assessing trade with Africa, critics often tend to emphasize human rights violations and poor working conditions inflicted by Chinese companies, while generally not holding Western companies to the same standard, or at least, not emphasizing the issue as much, when similar instances also involve Western companies. The Chinese trading model will be compared with fairer trade practices practiced today also known as “fair trade”. This thesis will be an attempt at a discussion to understand the standard of Chinese trade model in Africa while also addressing the issues emerging as a result. The fair trade market, as well as other forms of fair trade practices will be assessed to determine the state of trade practices between the two case studies countries: Ethiopia and Nigeria.Show less
Although Nigeria is becoming an important economic and political actor in the world, it is facing many security challenges. In the Middle Belt region of the country where the Christian South and...Show moreAlthough Nigeria is becoming an important economic and political actor in the world, it is facing many security challenges. In the Middle Belt region of the country where the Christian South and the Muslim North meet, exists a high level of intercommunal religious violence. While first establishing the developments that have led to this violence, this thesis looks to answer the following question: Why are some pluralistic communities in this region more prone to intercommunal religious violence than others? It does so by comparing local political systems in several LGAs (Local Government Areas) with similar ethnic-religious make-up. What has been found is that in those LGAs where a mechanism of informal local power sharing had emerged, very little to no violence took place, whereas in those LGAs where one group was in power, tensions easily turned violent. The final chapter explores what use these findings might have for conflict resolution programs in Nigeria, and Africa as a whole. Another result of the analysis is that the Nigerian situation represents the same causes as religious tensions in Europe, where the influx of Muslim migrants causes tensions. I suggest that there might be more lessons learned from Nigeria’s situation, than most people think.Show less
This thesis serves to collate and analyse the most relevant literature on the relationship between remittances and economic growth by observing GDP increases attributed to the reception and use of...Show moreThis thesis serves to collate and analyse the most relevant literature on the relationship between remittances and economic growth by observing GDP increases attributed to the reception and use of remittances in developing countries. The findings conclude that across the literature similar themes and suggestions are repeated, and this paper distils these findings to two key factors which appear to garner the most benefit from remittances: (1) That remittances be facilitated; and (2) that remittances be utilised. If both conditions are met, we identify that remittances appear to help to economic growth, if these conditions are not met, remittances can be a hinderance to economic growth. The facilitation and utilisation of remittances can only be made possible by government intervention through remittance-based and other, macroeconomic policy. These policies can only be supported by a government which is democratic, corruption-free and is committed to good governance. Nigeria and Morocco are used as case studies to demonstrate this relationship as Nigeria has lax policies regarding remittances overall, while Morocco has strong facilitation policies, but poor utilisation of remittances for economic growth.Show less
This thesis serves to politically conceptualize and explain the popularity of Pentecostalism in Nigeria. The paper focused on the choice of students and employees Covenant University to join that...Show moreThis thesis serves to politically conceptualize and explain the popularity of Pentecostalism in Nigeria. The paper focused on the choice of students and employees Covenant University to join that same university. Covenant University is a private university which is a subsidiary of the Living Faith Church Worldwide (LFCWW), one of the largest Pentecostal churches in Nigeria. This choice of university represents a clear choice to affiliate with or join the Pentecostal community and faith. Covenant University is also a community under full control of the church and a Pentecostal societal model. As an multidisciplinary project, the thesis involved using system-level conceptual analysis of political theory combined with an anthropological ethnographic micro-level study of the Covenant University community. The main argument of the thesis is that while the Nigerian sociopolitical landscape is in a state of disorder, meaning that it is void of a supraethnoreligious ethic and is plagued by extreme violence in everyday life, Covenant University and the LFCWW present themselves as communities of order. This is because they are governed by an overarching ethic derived from scripture and because the main compound of the LFCWW is safe contrasted to the Nigerian public space. Church members and staff explicitly separate themselves from the non-believing populous and the government in a dichotomous friend-enemy fashion. The thesis concludes that the choice of Covenant University as a workplace or place of study constitutes a political choice of order over disorder. As this choice mirrors becoming a Pentecostal church member, the analysis of it bares the political importance the Pentecostal movement in Nigeria.Show less
The complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and...Show moreThe complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and stakeholders, requiring the right collaborations between local, regional and international institutions. The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of the African Union as a regional actor versus the United Nations as an international actor in addressing these complex challenges. The underlying motive is to research regional competences, difficulties and possibilities in the role as security actor. To do this, the regional and international response to the militant group Boko Haram in Nigeria is used to provide insight in the different dimensions of this conflict. It is argued that on the one hand, the African Union can act faster and is more relevant in cases of a regional conflict, but on the other hand suffers from a lack of neutrality. Besides this, the amount of resources and authority is limited, and financial means and legitimacy have mainly been provided by the United Nations up until now. Although the extent of influence is difficult to measure, the African Union has the potential to be of more significance and to increase its influence in effectively addressing regional conflicts on the African continent.Show less
This thesis presents the results of an (official) six-month period of fieldwork research among two different groups in two countries: undocumented Nigerians in the Netherlands and Nigerians that...Show moreThis thesis presents the results of an (official) six-month period of fieldwork research among two different groups in two countries: undocumented Nigerians in the Netherlands and Nigerians that have returned to Nigeria after they had been undocumented in the Netherlands.The thesis presents three main topics: policies towards returns in the Netherlands and how these policies are implemented on the ground in Nigeria; the lives of undocumented Nigerians in the Netherlands; and the lives of those that have returned to Nigeria. How do undocumented Nigerians themselves perceive returning? The thesis presents different aspects related to their perceptions, their lives, strategies, constraints and fears. And how do those that have returned perceived their return? Accounts of their lives after return reveal the constraints, exclusion, shame and stigma that can shape their new lives.Show less
This thesis discusses the marginalization of LGBT+ citizens in Nigeria through state legislation. Within the recent decade there has been an increase in legislation targeting LGBT+ citizens in...Show moreThis thesis discusses the marginalization of LGBT+ citizens in Nigeria through state legislation. Within the recent decade there has been an increase in legislation targeting LGBT+ citizens in Nigeria. Forms of legislation leading to marginalization of LGBT+ citizens is referred to in this thesis as political homophobia. This research focuses on the role of Pentecostal movements in relation to these political developments. It discusses the influence of dominant Pentecostal ideologies on the formation of anti-homosexuality legislation, by giving an insight into the complex relationship between religion and politics in NigeriaShow less
The theory on (security) regionalism has shown that both the SCO and AU are considered to be part of ‘weak state IO’s’, which was proven through the variables put forward by Kelly. Both the SCO and...Show moreThe theory on (security) regionalism has shown that both the SCO and AU are considered to be part of ‘weak state IO’s’, which was proven through the variables put forward by Kelly. Both the SCO and AU strengthen sovereignty by turning the security dilemma inwards, so as to handle the issue themselves, with varying degrees of success. However, the AU is susceptible to intervention from above or from one of its members, if the situation is deemed sufficiently worrying and ‘grave circumstances’ have been observed. The relationships between the individual states and their regional organisations are significantly different, due to their own power projection capabilities. China’s power projection capability is the second largest in the world and will continue to improve, as military spending will increase. Meanwhile, Nigeria’s socio-economic and governance issues have been obstacles in acquiring sufficient growth and thus projecting power. This was also shown in the case study and the government’s approach to handling the issue, eventually leading to the formation of the MNJTF together with its mandate to defeat Boko Haram. By imposing hard-hitting measures on the region, China is able to keep terrorist attacks inside the country to a minimum, while allowing law enforcement agencies to catch-up with the terrorists. This is exactly how the CT theory was explained in theory and thus proves its efficacy in action. The African Union’s military approach has emerged through the lack of control Nigeria’s government has over its territory and lack of effective law enforcement measures. As Boko Haram spread across borders, a multinational task force was established to combat the group. It shows that the framework to combat terrorism established by the SCO RATS has a more effective approach. However, due to the nature of these autocratic regimes and the tendency of elites in these regimes to use the regional security organisations for the purpose of promoting their “collective internal security”, the chance remains high for abuses of power, suppression of minorities and human rights abuses. This is what the thesis found for the situation in China; with the contested designation of ETIM as a terrorist organization, and ‘loose’ framework in SCO RATS to designate all unwanted ‘activities’ as terrorism. Although it has proven significantly effective, the provisions in the SCO RATS are at times vague such as ‘preventive measures’, which could be used to manipulate or even infringe upon basic human rights. Therefore, this paper would recommend to implement a regional oversight committee, including neutral UN observers which would provide checks and balances on the military (hard) and law enforcement (soft) measures. This seems highly unlikely, China’s capabilities have proven to be effective in getting international recognition but handling the issue discreetly by itself. Therefore, for China or other SCO members to ask for outsiders to join contradicts the essence of what the SCO is in the eyes of China, a way to gain international legitimacy and recognition, but also a way to keep external influence out of the region and letting them handle the problem by their own.Show less
Given the success of African women’s literature in disseminating the African Womanist cause, this study examines popular Nigerian women’s lifestyle magazines to ascertain whether and in what ways...Show moreGiven the success of African women’s literature in disseminating the African Womanist cause, this study examines popular Nigerian women’s lifestyle magazines to ascertain whether and in what ways they are able to reflect, reinforce or contradict the African feminist agenda.Taking an interdisciplinary approach applying qualitative content analysis from literary studies to the content and feature articles of two Nigerian women’s magazines, this study thematically analyzes discourses and practices of femininity in the Nigerian media. Viewed from the African Womanist perspective, this research illustrates that, contrary to the generalization that representations of women in the media are stereotypical and destructive to women, Nigerian women’s lifestyle magazines construct positive images of femininity. Women are portrayed as actively carving out spaces for more freedom of choice and achievement for themselves in work, marriage and motherhood as well as issues that pertain to gender equality and empowerment. Magazine discourse thus mirrors the African feminist agenda, affirming that women’s sectional media can act as vehicles for the positive identity formation of women. Through the application of methods and paradigms from African women’s literary studies to the media, this research contributes to the current shifts in methodological approaches to feminist media studies and provides an understanding of how the mass media can play a role in women’s empowerment.Show less
After the Arab Spring, social media have been attributed great potential for democratization and enhanced political accountability, which has raised hopes for Africa’s stagnant democracies....Show moreAfter the Arab Spring, social media have been attributed great potential for democratization and enhanced political accountability, which has raised hopes for Africa’s stagnant democracies. Research is, however, inconclusive on whether this potential is seized and what this means in practice. Moreover, no research on political accountability in Africa has used social media as a primary source yet. Therefore I have studied the everyday Nigerian political accountability dynamics on social media as participant observer for 75 days. The observations exhibited four important shifts in accountability dynamics on social media away from traditional, offline accountability practices. First, social media has created an incessant and two-directional accountability cycle in which citizens find a unified voice through hashtags and the government replies to accountability demands instantly. Secondly, social media facilitate the traditionally much sought proximity between citizens and their leaders, as a channel for complaining, reassurance and interaction. Third, clientelist accountability dynamics have shifted from only demands for private and club goods, to mostly demands for collective and public goods, despite some deviations. Lastly, social media also allowed for slacktivism, but this did not inhibit the success of one online campaign. These shifts are significant, as they strengthen political accountability and thus democracy, even though the limits of the impact of online accountability and its meaning to the average Nigerian put the democratizing powers of social media in perspective. The observations nevertheless highlight the new opportunities and new dimensions to traditional accountability in Nigeria, and possibly Africa, enabled and channelled by social media.Show less