Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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The colonial partition of the Middle East is one of the most recurrent topics of the scholarship on the region. In the last decade, many scholars have shifted their attention from the diplomatic...Show moreThe colonial partition of the Middle East is one of the most recurrent topics of the scholarship on the region. In the last decade, many scholars have shifted their attention from the diplomatic and military history of these borders to their economic and social significance. This thesis aims at completing this shift in regard to the boundary between the British Mandate on Palestine and the French Mandate on Syria and Lebanon. Assuming a borderland perspective, this research looks into the different ways in which local, regional and colonial actors engaged with the border and its administration. It reconstructs the evolution of state border practices on both sides in the years from the British redeployment along the OET line in 1919 until the demise of the Palestine Mandate in 1948. Looking into the agency of a wide range of actors, including peasants, travelers, smugglers and illegal migrants, this thesis argues that the relation the indigenous population had with the border cannot be understood solely through an oppositional frame. Rather, it suggests that this relation was extremely dynamic, and that the subversion of the new territorial order went along with forms of compliance with state regulations and exploitation of the limits of state jurisdictions.Show less
One of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked...Show moreOne of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked humanitarian aid from entering its territory, based on the principle of sovereignty. Theoretically, international aid organizations have impartial access to deliver humanitarian aid when necessary, based on the fundamental humanitarian principles. Paradoxically, these fundamental principles have limited aid organizations to execute their work and compromises needed to be made with the Assad government in order to obtain access. Ever since the beginning of the conflict, humanitarian aid has been unequally distributed via government channels between government- and opposition controlled areas in Syria. It has become a strategy of warfare for the Assad regime, perpetuating violence and advancing legitimization and support for the nation’s regime. Simultaneously, international aid organizations created cross-border operations in order to circumvent this demonstration of the politicization of humanitarianism. This thesis extensively addresses this phenomenon and its consequences, by examining the central research question: To what extent has the politicization of humanitarianism impeded neutral emergency food aid delivery by international aid organizations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2019?Show less
This paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation...Show moreThis paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation makes use of an adapted version of Bovens’ Framework for Accountability, incorporating five different forms of accountability – political, legal, professional, social, and economic. Through the application of this framework onto two case studies of Wagner Group in Syria and Blackwater USA in Iraq, it is evident that the use of limited accountability through only one or two forms of accountability is insufficient. It was found that in order for PMSCs to be rendered accountable to an unbiased independent body as suggested by this author, all forms of accountability should be used simultaneously. This paper further examines reiterating the importance of the oft-neglected social accountability, and how the role of morality at the human and public opinion level can shape the way in which regulatory measures apply. Through these findings, this thesis recommends the implementation of a series of new legislative measures, which utilise a multi-pronged approach incorporating not only legal methods, but social, political, professional, and economic measuresShow less
Through a comprehensive analysis of the news coverage on the Syrian war by The Guardian, The Washington Post and The New York Times, the role of the media is assessed. The textual analysis was...Show moreThrough a comprehensive analysis of the news coverage on the Syrian war by The Guardian, The Washington Post and The New York Times, the role of the media is assessed. The textual analysis was carried out on almost 5000 articles from the three outlets. It thus explores the possibility of technical tools to analyse the coverage and discourse of the media.Show less
The inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues...Show moreThe inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues concerning R2P have been examined in detail, scholars have mostly neglected its practical dimension. In order to interpret the inconsistent implementation of R2P, the cases of Syria and the Central African Republic (CAR) serve as a comparative framework. Thereby, this paper argues that the geopolitical interests of the Security Council’s permanent member states had a major impact on the adoption of R2P’s non-coercive and coercive instruments. From these case studies and the UNSC’s in/-action three implications for R2P are inferred: that the conditions for the successful implementation of the principle are dependent on the P5, that its application does not in fact delegitimise the doctrine and that a reformist approach can improve the inconsistencies in international response.Show less
This thesis analyses the influence that news media can have in conflicts, especially through the production and circulation of conspiracy theories. It demonstrates how conspiracy theories...Show moreThis thesis analyses the influence that news media can have in conflicts, especially through the production and circulation of conspiracy theories. It demonstrates how conspiracy theories surrounding chemical attacks in Syria affected the media discourse of RT, the BBC and the New York Times and researches to what extent this was aimed at influencing public opinion and international policy making in favour of their respective government’s policies in the Syrian conflict. Firstly, previous case studies are reflected upon, most importantly Chomsky & Herman’s ‘Propaganda Model’. Secondly, the proxy war in Syria and its most important participants ’foreign policies are outlined. Next, this knowledge is applied in the paper’s analysis of the reporting of RT, the BBC and the New York Times in the Syrian conflict. It looks specifically at their reporting on conspiracy theories surrounding the 2013 & 2018 Ghouta and Douma chemical weapons attacks, and how it relates to their respective government’s policy in the conflict. These observations lead to the conclusions that conspiracy theories have significantly influenced the discourses of all the analysed news media in their reporting on these events, and that their reporting generally reflects their government’s foreign policy towards the conflict. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a pattern of strategies used by each of the news media outlets, which are potentially deployed in an attempt to direct their audiences towards embracing their respective government’s stances and policies towards the Syrian conflict. These conclusions reveal that there is likely an information war running parallel to the proxy conflict.Show less
The attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the...Show moreThe attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the concept was rejected multiple times in the framework of international law, and now amounts to a groundless menace, incapable of generating consequences for the perpetrators. This thesis uses critical concept analysis to understand why international organizations keep using the concept "cultural cleansing" despite its recurrent exclusion from international law, and what consequences this concept encompasses.Show less
On April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that...Show moreOn April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that started in 2011 slowly unfolded into a larger regional and international conflict. The complexity of alliances in the Syrian conflict might be a reason of the long-lasting hostilities that still continue today. This thesis investigated the role of two main actors in the Syrian conflict: the United States and Russia. This study aimed to answer the following research question: how are the US-Russian relations in the UNSC on the Syrian conflict from March 2011-June 2018? In a heightened atmosphere in international relations, it is important to find out if more room for cooperation between the two countries exists within the UNSC framework. A document analysis of the UNSC meeting records, presidential statements and (draft) resolutions from 2011-2018 has been conducted. The contribution of this study lies in the systematic analysis of the UNSC minutes on the Syrian conflict which enables the author to draw conclusions over the entirety of the war. By looking at three main categories – the use of chemical weapons, humanitarian assistance, and the political peace process – this thesis found out that the US and Russia seem to agree on a broader level, but that filling in the details proves to be problematic.Show less
Gaining access remainsone ofthe main impediments to the United Nations humanitarian response in Syria. Since 2011, the Syrian government has systematically blocked the United Nations from accessing...Show moreGaining access remainsone ofthe main impediments to the United Nations humanitarian response in Syria. Since 2011, the Syrian government has systematically blocked the United Nations from accessing populations in opposition-held areas. In theory, the Humanitarian Principles Neutrality and Independence provide the framework for gaining impartial access to conflict settings. Ironically, however, in practice the need to gain access has pushed the United Nations to compromise the Humanitarian Principles and comply to President Assad’s demands. While the United Nations’ compromises enable it to access at least government approved areas, these compromises have also facilitated Assad’s siege warfare tactic, population displacements and thereby re-shaped Syria’s socio-political landscape. Analysis of the Syrian conflict often focuses on President Assad’s role in perpetuating violence. Yet, the United Nations’ aid operation plays a similarly crucial role in shaping the dynamic and political outcome of the Syrian conflict. This paper therefore asks; To what extent has the United Nations adhered to the Humanitarian Principles Neutrality and Independence in its operations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2017 and what are the implications?Show less
This research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to...Show moreThis research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to understand his contrasting policies towards and harsh repression of the independent civil society sector. Consequently, it describes the manner in which independent civil society has developed since 2011, linking it to rebel civil governance. Finally, the research project concludes with a case study of a CSO founded in 2011. The case study provides insight into the struggles and opportunities of the sector on a concrete level.Show less
تتناول هذه الورقة البحثية العلاقة الإشكالية في الواقع العربي المعاصر بين العلمانية والإسلام السياسي من خلال تتبع الموقف من هذين الموضوعين لدى اثنين من أعمدة الفكر العلماني في سوريا والعالم العربي....Show moreتتناول هذه الورقة البحثية العلاقة الإشكالية في الواقع العربي المعاصر بين العلمانية والإسلام السياسي من خلال تتبع الموقف من هذين الموضوعين لدى اثنين من أعمدة الفكر العلماني في سوريا والعالم العربي. المفكر الأول هو الفيلسوف السوري صادق جلال العظم الذي عرف بانتقاده الحاد للفكر الإسلامي بشكل عام ولتيارات الإسلام السياسي بشكل خاص أما المفكر الثاني فهو الشاعر علي أحمد سعيد إسبر المعروف بأدونيس والذي يشترك مع العظم في نهجه الرافض للإسلام السياسي والداعي لتغيير جذري في الواقع العربي للاستجابة لتحديات العصر. يركز البحث على موقف المفكرين المذكورين من حدثين مفصليين في المنطقة العربية هما الثورة الإيرانية (1979) والثورة السورية (2011)، وذلك من خلال تحليل ما صدر عنهما من مواقف متضمنة في المؤلفات أو المقالات أو اللقاءات الصحفية لكل منهما, حيث يلحظ تبايناً واضحاً بين موقفهما من هاتين الثورتين بما يطرح تساؤلاً مهماً حول علاقة خلفياتهما المذهبية بالتحولات التي طرأت على موقف كل منهما تجاه الإسلام السياسي خلال هاتين الثورتين. تم تخصيص قسمين منفصلين لتحليل توجهات كلا المفكرين على امتداد حياتهما الفكرية مع إبراز التمايز الكبير في موقفهما من الثورتين السورية والإيرانية ومن المضامين الإسلامية التي حملتها هاتين الثورتين، حيث يبرز تحليل مواقف كل منهما الاتساق المثير للتساؤل بين الانتماء الطائفي لديهما والانحياز للثورة التي يشكل المكون الطائفي الذي ينتميان إليه أكثرية واضحة فيها. الراحل صادق جلال العظم الذي ينتمي بخلفيته المذهبية إلى الإسلام السني أعرب مبكراً عن انتقاده للتجربة الخمينية المستندة للمرجعية الشيعية في حكم إيران وجاهر برفضه لأي دور للإسلام في الحياة السياسية لكن تحولاً كبيراً طرأ على موقفه هذا خلال العقود التي تلت الثورة الإيرانية إلى أن انتهى به المطاف إلى التأييد الكامل وغير المشروط للثورة السورية التي انطلقت من حواضن الأكثرية السنية في سوريا، وذلك بالرغم من حضور الإسلام السياسي الكثيف في تلك الثورة. أما أدونيس ذو الخلفية المذهبية العلوية الأقرب للتشيع فلم يجد حرجاً في أن يكون من أوائل المشجعين للثورة الإيرانية رغم طابعها الإسلامي الواضح ورغم تناقض هذا الدعم مع مجمل طروحاته السابقة، لكنه بالمقابل أظهر تحفظاً واضحاً في إظهار أي قدر من التأييد للثورة السورية واختار الانحياز للنظام البعثي السوري رغم تهجمه المتكرر في السابق على التجربة البعثية في الحكم. القسم الثالث في البحث يتناول ردود الأفعال في الأوساط الثقافية السورية والعالمية على هذه التحولات التي طرأت على توجهات المفكرين والمحاولات الجادة لتفسير هذه التحولات. يخلص البحث إلى أنه بالرغم من تعذر إثبات جنوح واضح لدى أي من المفكرين لتأسيس مواقفهما الفكرية على قواعد انتماءاتهما الطائفية ومع أن التحولات التي شهدتها مواقفهما تجاه الثورتين الإيرانية والسورية لا يمكن الجزم بكونها نتيجة انحياز واع لانتماء طائفي معين، لكن مع كل ما سبق تظل الخلفية الطائفية وما ينتج عنها من ذاكرة جمعية و تصورات ذهنية مسبقة للآخر ونواياه عوامل لا يمكن إنكارها في تشكيل مواقف كلا المفكرين وتحديد توجهاتهما من القضايا المعاصرة ومقاربتهما للعلمانية والإسلام السياسي.Show less
The overwhelming majority of the more than five and a half million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries in the Middle East without their civil documents. Particularly in a refugee context, it...Show moreThe overwhelming majority of the more than five and a half million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries in the Middle East without their civil documents. Particularly in a refugee context, it is crucial for the standard of living for Syrian refugees and eventual return to Syria to be adequately documented. Complex civil registration systems in the host countries, however, often prevent Syrian refugees from obtaining civil documentation, thereby expanding the problem of the lack and loss of civil documentation of Syrian refugees. This thesis examines the different civil registration systems and their consequences for Syrian refugees in Jordan, Turkey, and Lebanon through an in-depth analysis focusing on legal status, marriage and birth registration. This thesis argues that the difference in implemented civil registration systems is determined by each host country’s social, political, and economic situation before and during the Syrian refugee influx and the extent to which the Syrian refugees have impacted the country, positively and negatively. In Turkey, the government has adopted a temporary protection regime, which includes refugee-sensitive civil registration systems. However, in Lebanon and to a lesser extent Jordan, Syrian refugees are still facing many challenges trying to obtain civil documentation due to the complex civil registration systems. As the eight years of hosting refugees has turned out more harmful than beneficial for the host countries, discussions on the return of Syrian refugees has increasingly become louder. However, a lot of change is still required to ensure that Syrian refugees are adequately documented.Show less
The argument presented in this thesis is that constructivist theory offers a useful tool to interpret the effect that CW use has on the international community. It is the social identities and the...Show moreThe argument presented in this thesis is that constructivist theory offers a useful tool to interpret the effect that CW use has on the international community. It is the social identities and the strong prohibitive norm when it comes to the use of CW that construes a reality in which narratives of justification are produced when it comes to the use of force. This moral reality cannot be explained solely rationally, but has roots in decades of social interaction, which makes that violations of norms concerning CWs are put higher on the international agenda than other violations. The relevance of this study lies in the reflection on constructivism as a theoretical tool, but also in its aim to contribute to a broader understanding of how certain types of harm raise more attention in international politics: what causes the international community to be concerned about norm violation? As obvious as the answer of ‘inhumane practices’ seems, it is just a small percentage of suffering that becomes an international concern. The following puzzle has led to the research question: how can we explain the international community’s particular concern about violations of the norm on the prohibition of chemical weapons by using constructivist theory?Show less
This thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It...Show moreThis thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It compares these findings to the existing literature on the nature of Hezbollah. It is found that pragmatic considerations concerning Hezbollah's own security and its weapons supplies through Syria were its main motivators, despite ideologically charged rhetoric. In the literature, this reality is best reflected by those that acknowledge the duality of Hezbollah's ties to Lebanon and aims of integration into Lebanese politics on the one hand and its ties to Iran and fight against Israel on the other.Show less
The Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is...Show moreThe Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is yet to be successfully diffused and classified as a global norm. This thesis assesses the principle’s normative trajectory through the use of Finnemore and Sikkink’s ‘norm life cycle theory’ (1998). This work works toward a better understanding of Russia’s approach towards the emergent norm of human rights by default. By assessing Russia’s approach towards intervention, this study reviews the claim that Russia seeks to undermine the norms that underpin R2P. This has been conducted via a qualitative case study that reviews the following cases: Georgia, Crimea, Libya and Syria. The findings demonstrate that although Russia is actively engaged with the principle’s norm development process, it did also attempt to interpret the norm according to its own preferences. However, only once was the norm was truly undermined - in the case of Crimea.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
The thesis is based within the theories of constructivism and looks for the connection between the identity construction and the foreign policy decision-making process. The research question posed...Show moreThe thesis is based within the theories of constructivism and looks for the connection between the identity construction and the foreign policy decision-making process. The research question posed is: why is Hezbollah stepping in the Syrian civil war? What is the relation between this decision and the group’s identity that has been continuously constructed and re-constructed in the past 30 years? Moreover, is the relationship between the decision to go to war and Hezbollah identity construction linear? Can the conflict in Syria affect, or even re-shape the construction of Hezbollah’s identity? How does this comply (or disconnect) with Hezbollah’s own ideas about self and role in the serves in the region? The paper analyses the relation between the identity construction and the decision to go to the Syrian war, and based on this example draws a conclusion that the relationship between the two is rather reciprocal than linear.Show less
The political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad,...Show moreThe political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad, to power. Assad’s authoritarian rule paved the way for Ba’ath party members and his immediate family members to accumulate wealth and power. This patrimonial approach has contributed to reshaping the class system and creating different types of the bourgeoisie. When Bashar Assad succeeded his father in the year 2000, the political-economic strategy in Syria changed a little by depriving the Ba’ath party members of their privileges and giving them to other prominent government officials and members of the country’s upper and upper-middle classes through neopatrimonial approaches. The new ‘state bourgeoisie’ in Syria did not only include Alawites who are directly related to Assad, but the new order also included Sunnis and Christians who were given a chance to get wealthy by proving their loyalty to Assad and cooperating with the regime. Since the beginning of the Syrian conflict in 2011, Syrian businesspeople have either continued supporting the regime or decided to remain silent and leave the country. Although the popular narrative of the Syrian conflict is largely sectarian in nature, sectarianism is not the only significant factor. Class has played a big role in the public’s dismay and contributed to the outbreak of the uprising. The business elite’s reaction to the conflict has contributed to the longevity of the conflict one hand and that of the Assad regime on the other. The loyal elites have benefited largely from this ongoing conflict whereas others who remained neutral risked the confiscation of their properties, and that of their family, and various terrorist charges. This thesis tackles the Syrian conflict from a different angle and highlights the role of the Syrian businesspeople.Show less
The Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian...Show moreThe Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian conflict, which started with peaceful protests in 2011. Such a narrative is based on a static and primordial view of Syria. As a response to that narrative this thesis uses social class theory to examine the years in Syria’s political economy in the years preceding the 2011 uprising. The five years before the uprising are important from an economic, social and political perspective as Syria initiated a transition to a social market economy. The two research question are as follows: How did Syria’s economic liberalisation from 2006 to 2010 change socioeconomic conditions vis-à-vis Syria’s civil uprising in 2011? And what role does social class play in Syria's socioeconomic grievances? The research questions are answered through case studies of the agricultural sector, investments in Syria, and the economic transition’s connection to the 2011 uprising. The case studies’ results are that socioeconomic conditions of lower and middle classes stagnated or worsened in the years before the uprising, displayed in unemployment and a widening wealth gap. Investments patterns in Syria in the economic liberalisation show how profits went those in the upper and ruling classes with ties to the regime. By that, it is concluded that class played a large role in Syria’s socioeconomic grievances that played a partial role in creating circumstances for the 2011 uprising. The explanation is, nonetheless, not sufficient on its own to explain the 2011 uprising. Future research on Syria’s political economy should continue to focus on classes and other social communities in order to provide better explanations for societal changes.Show less
