The current paper studies whether domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group influence trust in the national parliament, and whether these effects spill-over to trust in...Show moreThe current paper studies whether domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group influence trust in the national parliament, and whether these effects spill-over to trust in the European Parliament. To do so, existing data from the European Social Survey (n=38,691) is combined with domestic political equality scores created by Freedom House. The study provides new insights as previous research has focused on different geographies, specific marginalized groups, or only on either the national or European Parliament. Results seem to indicate that domestic political equality has a significant positive relation with trust in national parliament. Additionally, members of discriminated groups show significantly lower trust in the national parliament than those individuals who do not consider themselves to be part of a discriminated group. The results also indicate a positive relationship between trust in national parliament and trust in the European Parliament. Additionally, it is shown that most of the effects of domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group on trust in the European Parliament are mediated by trust in national parliament. Nonetheless, there are significant residual direct effects in which both domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group negatively impact trust in the European Parliament. While membership of a discriminated group exercises a negative direct effect on both trust in national parliament and European Parliament, domestic political equality shows a positive direct effect on trust in the national parliament but a negative direct effect on trust in the European Parliament. This seems to indicate that individuals living in politically unequal countries are more likely to trust the European Parliament unless they have high trust in the National parliament, and vice versa. There also seems to be an indication that the basis upon which individuals are discriminated against influences trust in both national parliament and the European Parliament. While those discriminated based on nationality, age, disability, language and 2 3 ‘other unspecified factors’ display decreased levels of trust in both national and European Parliament, those discriminated based on sexuality display increased levels of trust but only in the European Parliament. Individuals member of a group that is discriminated against based on race, ethnic group, or gender do not display different levels of trust in the national and European Parliament compared to those who are not discriminated against. In order to ensure trust in the national parliament it seems important to strive for the social inclusion of individuals who are part of a group that is currently discriminated against. National parliament might increase the level of trust of citizens towards the parliament by maximizing domestic political equality. Furthermore, the European Parliament should aim to increase trust in the national parliament as this will likely translate into increased levels of trust in the European Parliament as well.Show less
Global political leaders including those in Australia appoint top bureaucrats with certain competencies to produce public policy in line with their agenda. This study aims to uncover what...Show moreGlobal political leaders including those in Australia appoint top bureaucrats with certain competencies to produce public policy in line with their agenda. This study aims to uncover what competencies are held by top bureaucrats in Australia, and how these competency profiles change. The study specifically focuses on the 1980-2020 timeframe, considering whether change occurred as a result of New Public Management reforms, changes in government, and the rise of evidence-based policy-making. A quantitative dataset (N=193) was developed using biographical information of top bureaucrats to determine if external shock impacts bureaucratic competencies. Using the expertise bargain theoretical framework, the research also employs qualitative analysis through process tracing to uncover how competency change occurs. The results reveal managerial competencies are more prominent in top bureaucrats as a result of New Public Management reforms, and these come about through political strategies. Further, the top bureaucrat role has become more politicised, and bureaucrats have greater political know-how to combat the politicisation. In addition, a change in political leadership is used by politicians to revise the existing arrangements with top bureaucrats. Lastly, top bureaucrats are more highly educated as a result of evidence-based policy-making and bureaucrats have progressively used strategies to increase their influence and autonomy.Show less
Pursuing climate justice is one of the main challenges in the creation of international and domestic climate change policies. The reason for this is the subjective nature of the concept of climate...Show morePursuing climate justice is one of the main challenges in the creation of international and domestic climate change policies. The reason for this is the subjective nature of the concept of climate justice, since what is perceived to be just by one, could be perceived to be unjust by others. By comparing the perceptions and translations of a Global North country’s government, the federal government of Canada, with the translations and perceptions of Global South country’s government, the government of Trinidad and Tobago, on the subject of climate justice, this thesis aims to provide the reader with a better understanding how climate justice can manifest itself in climate change policies. A discourse analysis has been conducted to uncover both national governments’ climate justice perceptions and translations. During the analysis and comparison of the climate justice discourse of both national governments, the researcher discovered that not so much the perceptions of climate justice differ, but rather what perception the national governments’ choose to focus on in its translations of the concept of climate justice into climate change policies. Their difference in focus can be explained by looking at the contexts in which both governments operate in and this difference in focus alludes to the notion that pursuing climate justice is a ‘luxury need’.Show less
Objectives: Top civil servants have an important position within governments. They need to be competent in their jobs, and balance between neutrality and responsiveness. While theoretical arguments...Show moreObjectives: Top civil servants have an important position within governments. They need to be competent in their jobs, and balance between neutrality and responsiveness. While theoretical arguments about the need for certain merit-based competencies (managerial skills, policy expertise and political craft) are substantial, empirical data about the actual possession of these competencies is lacking. Furthermore, knowledge about the role of political ideology on appointment criteria, and the extent of the politicization of the civil service, is limited. The merit-based competencies and political criteria that are desired of top civil servants are, therefore, the focus of this study. This thesis aims to gain a better understanding of the extent of politicization in the appointments of top civil servants, as well as to describe the merit-based competencies that are desired from top civil servants. Theoretical arguments will be applied to the case of the Dutch secretaries-general, the highest-ranking civil servants in the Netherlands. The following question is central in this thesis. “Which competencies did Dutch secretaries-general possess in the period 1994-2020, and how did party-political considerations play a role in the appointment of these secretaries-general?” Methods: This thesis uses quantitative methods to answer the research question. Through a descriptive statistical analysis, the competencies of the secretaries-general are identified. In addition, through logistic regression analysis, hypotheses concerning the role of ideology in appointments are tested. Results: In terms of competencies, almost all secretaries-general (94%) have managerial skills, followed by professional policy expertise (65%) and, to a lesser extent, political craft (25%). However, based on this research, there is no evidence that party-political considerations play a substantial role in the appointments of secretaries-general. Merit-based competencies are central, and the political influence of ministers in the appointment process seems to be small at best.Show less
