Very recently, it was revealed that Dutch citizens are now generally supportive of nuclear energy: the supporters outnumber the opponents (Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek [CBS], 2023)....Show moreVery recently, it was revealed that Dutch citizens are now generally supportive of nuclear energy: the supporters outnumber the opponents (Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek [CBS], 2023). Supporters cite the fact that no carbon dioxide is emitted during generation and the need to guarantee a sufficient energy supply as reasons for their support of nuclear energy (Van Engeland & Van der Schelde, 2021). Nuclear energy has not always had high favourability ratings (e.g. Pampel, 2011). One of the reasons for this low support is that nuclear energy has not only been associated with benefits, but also with substantial risks, such as the risk of meltdown and the risks related to nuclear waste (Stoutenborough et al., 2013). The fact that support for nuclear energy apparently fluctuates with time suggests that actors (e.g. the media, politicians) may be able to influence support for the technology by framing it in a certain way. Indeed, nuclear energy has been framed in various ways in Dutch media (Vossen, 2020). Existing research has found that framing can alter attitudes toward nuclear energy (Bickerstaff et al., 2008; Bird et al., 2014; Feldman & Hart, 2018; Pidgeon et al., 2008). However, research on the effect of positive framing (i.e framing designed to increase support) and negative framing (i.e. framing designed to decrease support) on attitudes toward nuclear energy has not yet been conducted in the Netherlands. Additionally, there is reason to believe that the size of the effect of positive and negative frames on support for nuclear energy depends on the values one endorses (De Groot et al., 2013; Entman, 1993; Perlaviciute & Steg, 2015). Existing research has not looked into this hypothesis. Thus, the present study addresses two research questions. Firstly, to what extent does framing affect support for nuclear energy? Secondly, to what extent does the size of the framing effect depend on the values one endorses?Show less
This paper investigates the responsibilities of the private sector in climate change mitigation within a capitalist system. It examines the incentives inherent in capitalism that drive corporate...Show moreThis paper investigates the responsibilities of the private sector in climate change mitigation within a capitalist system. It examines the incentives inherent in capitalism that drive corporate behaviour, particularly the pursuit of profit maximization, and how this affects the sector’s ability to engage in environmental sustainability. The research reveals that while companies can undertake certain green initiatives autonomously, their efforts are constrained by the need for profitability. Consequently, the paper argues that government intervention is essential to facilitate and enhance the private sector’s contributions to climate change mitigation. By analysing various academic perspectives, such as business sciences, environmental sciences, and legal sciences, as well as political sciences, this paper concludes that the division of responsibility between the state and private businesses is clear-cut: it is the government’s role to set moral and legal boundaries within which businesses must operate. This study contributes to the dialogue on corporate environmental responsibility by highlighting the limitations of private sector initiatives and the crucial role of government in enabling meaningful progress in climate change mitigation.Show less
Er is een landelijk significant effect van het gebruik van Twitter/X op het aantal voorkeurstemmen dat een kandidaat krijgt tijdens de Tweede Kamer verkiezingen. In deze studie zal worden nagegaan...Show moreEr is een landelijk significant effect van het gebruik van Twitter/X op het aantal voorkeurstemmen dat een kandidaat krijgt tijdens de Tweede Kamer verkiezingen. In deze studie zal worden nagegaan of dit ook geldt tijdens gemeenteraadsverkiezingen. De gemeenteraadsverkiezing van 2022 wordt als steekproef genomen. Hierbij zal ook het type tweets dat politici uitzenden, politiek of persoonlijk, worden meegenomen in de analyse. Hiervoor is een steekproef genomen uit de drie provincies uit de Randstad: de gemeente Capelle aan den IJssel (Zuid-Holland, 33 raadszetels), gemeente Haarlem (Noord-Holland, 39 raadszetels) en gemeente Utrecht (Utrecht, 45 raadszetels). De resultaten tonen aan dat er geen significant verband is tussen Twittergebruik en voorkeurstemmen in gemeenteraadsverkiezingen. Lijstpositie en of de kandidaat een vrouw is blijken, zoals eerder onderzoek ook reeds heeft uitgewezen, de belangrijkste voorspellers voor het behalen van voorkeurstemmen.Show less
Once considered a purely elite-driven process far removed from the public, EU integration has become subject to mass politics in recent years. As a result, scholarly work on public opinion toward...Show moreOnce considered a purely elite-driven process far removed from the public, EU integration has become subject to mass politics in recent years. As a result, scholarly work on public opinion toward EU integration has expanded. While existing research has primarily centered on factors like identity, immigration stance, and economic interest to explain attitude variation, this paper highlights the underexplored role of personal values. Drawing on Schwartz’s theory of basic human values, it contends that individuals’ personal values significantly shape their attitudes toward EU integration. To mitigate cognitive dissonance, people align their actions and thoughts with the motivational goals prescribed by their personal values. Consequently, an individual’s stance on EU integration hinges on whether integration is conducive to the motivational objectives linked to their personal values. Conducting a cross-national study of 24 EU member states using data from the 9th round of the European Social Survey, the study finds mixed support for this argument. While human values generally influence attitudes toward EU integration, a noticeable discrepancy in impact magnitude between socially focused values (Conservation and Self-Transcendence) and personally focused values (Openness to Change and Self-Enhancement) emerges, with the latter exhibiting a diminished impact. Overall, the findings of this study support the idea that people rely on their personal values to make decisions and form attitudes on EU integration.Show less
Climate change is a highly politicised subject, and is seen by many scientist as the largest threat of our time. In order to reduce the effects of climate change, public support is needed for the...Show moreClimate change is a highly politicised subject, and is seen by many scientist as the largest threat of our time. In order to reduce the effects of climate change, public support is needed for the implementation of effective climate policies. The levels of public support vary in different regions, with climate concern in Eastern European countries being much lower than the concern in Western European countries. With the emergence of the Ukrainian war, this study predicts that the overall concern for climate change will likely decrease over time, due to its implications on economical and political factors, as well as the increasing reliance on personal experience and lack of information on climate change. Furthermore, climate concern in Eastern European countries, which are Ukraine’s neighbours, is expected to be decreasing more than the levels of concern in Western European countries. This study tests this assumption by conducting a large-N observational analysis of the levels of climate concern across Western and Eastern European countries, over the period of three years. The test results show that the overall concern for climate change did decrease over the years, however the gap between Eastern and Western European countries did not increase.Show less
In March 2020, the World Health Organization declared Covid-19 a pandemic. In response to the rapid and global spread of the disease, different countries instated different kinds of measures in...Show moreIn March 2020, the World Health Organization declared Covid-19 a pandemic. In response to the rapid and global spread of the disease, different countries instated different kinds of measures in different degrees, that of course triggered different outcomes. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the first case of COVD-19 was reported on February 27th of 2020 in Nigeria, and it did not take long before it spread all across the region. Despite the general challenges that the region faces in context of containing public health emergencies – relating to lack of resources and state-capacity, low accessibility of health services, poverty and a large informal sector - national responses too differed vastly. Uganda, for example, is a country often praised for its response.This stands in stark contrast with the response of neighboring country Tanzania, whose approach was characterized by simplification, denialism and dismissal of the pandemic. This thesis yields an explanation for delayed national COVID-19 responses by first comparing the cases of Tanzania and Uganda, and then taking an in-depth look at Tanzania's delayed COVID-19 response. The argument holds that, in Tanzania, contemporary political and institutional factors should be taken into account together with the post-independence, historical legacy of the ruling CCM party. It makes use of critical juncture theory and the concept of medical populism to illustrate the opening up of political-space in light of the 2020 Tanzanian Presidential elections. Further research might focus on other enablers of populism in Sub-Saharan Africa, as manifestations of populism remain under-researched there. For example, (lack of) economic development has been identified as a global cause for populism. Although this was not the case for Tanzania specifically, it might play a role elsewhere in the region.Show less
