In May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on...Show moreIn May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on others are on the way out. […] We Europeans have to take our destiny into our own hands’. The developments that followed were unique for the EU. The EU’s limited military structures already in place were being expanded, became more autonomous, and new mechanisms were created to foster more defence cooperation among the member states. Closer defence cooperation within the EU is generally being ascribed to geopolitical pressures, so how do the narratives of the US and Russia influence EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence? I combine the constructivist idea of perception with the realist idea of necessity and look at threat perception and the perceived necessity to cooperate further in defence. By analysing the narratives of the German and French political elite regarding EU defence cooperation in 2018, I come to the conclusion that while the US narratives significantly increase EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence, Russia’s narratives do not have such a significant impact.Show less
The study of regional security governance has gained much attention in the past years, particularly in regions such as Europe, Africa, and Asia. While the existing literature is focused upon those...Show moreThe study of regional security governance has gained much attention in the past years, particularly in regions such as Europe, Africa, and Asia. While the existing literature is focused upon those regions, this thesis will focus upon the Pacific region. The Pacific is vulnerable to a variety of non-traditional security issues (e.g. non-military), ranging from Environmental Security to Cybersecurity. These transborder threats ask for a regional response. Through an exploratory analysis of the security governance systems governing Environmental Security and Cybersecurity, this thesis gives a comprehensive understanding of the governance of non-traditional security issues in the Pacific region. Findings indicate that Climate Security is governed by a clear security governance system, while Cybersecurity is governed by a hybrid system that contains characteristics of two systems.Show less
Utilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the...Show moreUtilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the theoretical framework and literature, two hypotheses based on party-political congruence and interest compatibility are formulated. The analysis of party-political congruence and executive overlap as determinant shows that there are big differences in the level of congruence between provincial regions of The Netherlands. However, the analysis likewise shows that party-political congruence solely attributes little to the extend of regional cooperation in EU-affairs. This resulted in the determinant of party-political congruence being refuted. However, when we reformulate and add the dimensions of party ideology, executive (party) network and coalition agreements to the equation, political congruence increases in validity as supporting factor for regional cooperation. The analysis of interest compatibility shows that that there are significant differences in the degree of interest compatibility between different provinces within different regions in The Netherlands. This variation results in significant different outcomes when it come to regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Hence, interest compatibility is accepted as determinant factor. When further scrutinizing, it appears that social, economic and geographical provincial characteristics are important conditions for interest compatibility. In conclusion to the thesis' main question, it’s the compatibility of provincial interests and proactive executives which are the drivers behind regional cooperation. When provinces are characteristically alike, have well-connected executives, pro-European parties in the regional assemblies and European funds maintain well-defined criteria, regional cooperation can be a logical phenomenon in The Netherlands.Show less
While small states lack the military and economic resources to affect the behaviour of other states, they do have access to other forms of power that they can utilize when in conflict with a major...Show moreWhile small states lack the military and economic resources to affect the behaviour of other states, they do have access to other forms of power that they can utilize when in conflict with a major power. This research examines the ways in which the Philippines, as a small state, uses these forms of power to overcome the structural constraints that it faces in its conflict with China, a major power, in their conflict over the South China Sea. These different forms of power are categorised into four types: particular-intrinsic, derivative, collective and legal. This research has found that by using certain types of power, the Philippines precludes itself from using other types of power. The different types of power, when used successfully, can also be used to amplify or enhance other types of power. Finally, this research has found that there are limits placed on the use of derivative power of major powers by different domestic interest groups.Show less
The legitimacy of NATO is a continuing source of debate since the end of the Cold War. Now-adays with a changing security environment due to new threats like terrorism, NATO’s legiti-macy depends...Show moreThe legitimacy of NATO is a continuing source of debate since the end of the Cold War. Now-adays with a changing security environment due to new threats like terrorism, NATO’s legiti-macy depends on alternatives to traditional warfare. To meet parts of those challenges NATO adopted the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda which came as a surprise to most femi-nists and was soon depicted as co-opted for NATO’s interest. While the existing literature does not link the WPS agenda to legitimacy, this thesis assesses to what extent the WPS agenda is used to enhance NATO's legitimacy thus justify NATO’s military interventions. For this pur-pose, a discourse analysis in official statements of NATO member states disclosed an overview of legitimation dynamics in relation to the WPS agenda. The findings indicate that the member states use the WPS agenda to legitimize NATO and its military interventions, but depending on the discursive target either to the international or domestic public.Show less
In late 2019, Chile and Colombia witnessed mass protests of historic dimensions that united different generations, ideologies, and sectors of civil society in their dissatisfaction with their...Show moreIn late 2019, Chile and Colombia witnessed mass protests of historic dimensions that united different generations, ideologies, and sectors of civil society in their dissatisfaction with their governments, the current neoliberal model, its socio-economic policies and malaises like inequality, poverty, and violence. The mostly peaceful and brutally repressed protests vary in their immediate political outcomes. While the Chilean case can be considered a success story, which achieved the start of a constitutional reform process, Colombia’s protests did not induce any significant political transformation. Why do protests with similar characteristics lead to different short-term political outcomes? Applying a comparative case study of the most-similar cases of the 2019-2020 mass protests in Chile and Colombia, this study argues that classic explanations regarding endogenous and exogenous variables of social movements fall short of explaining these different outcomes. Instead, this article suggests that short-term protest “success” and “failure” can be better explained by a society’s history of repression and its consequences for collective experience with protest mobilization. This proposed hypothesis is based on a theoretical framework combining social movement literature and research on the repression-mobilization relationship and is examined in a document analysis of material from a wide array of sources on the protests.Show less
European defence and security cooperation has largely remained intergovernmental in nature. Other issue areas such as the common market have been integrated and are primarily governed through EU...Show moreEuropean defence and security cooperation has largely remained intergovernmental in nature. Other issue areas such as the common market have been integrated and are primarily governed through EU institutions as a result. This is puzzling since the earliest efforts of European integration occurred in the field of defence and security. These efforts ultimately proved a failure and stifled further attempts at integration in this policy field for decades to come. In academic discussion, a common approach to European security and defence policy is the analysis of outcome. The pace and nature of European defence and security policy has been analysed and critiqued on frequent occasions, pointing to the still great reliance of the EU on NATO in security matters. Considering both of these aspects, this analysis aims to deliver an analysis that focusses on the process of EU defence and security policy making itself in order to investigate the puzzle of why it has remained intergovernmental. Hypothesising that it is a policy of deliberate non-decision, „gatekeeping”, by one or more actors within EU policy-making that is responsible for the intergovernmental outcome, process tracing is conducted. The findings of this analysis do not, however, corroborate the hypothesis and an alternate explanation is developed that points to a non-decision being motivated by passive factors, namely inopportune situations of the individual actors capable of propelling an integration effort forward. This analysis is, however, also able to observe that the recent push in the implementation of PESCO came about as a result of political hurdles being overcome and, in principle, a road towards integration may open up in the future.Show less
The European Commission aims to tackle the climate crisis with the European Green Deal (EGD). To accomplish this task, the Commission requires expertise which interest groups are able to provide....Show moreThe European Commission aims to tackle the climate crisis with the European Green Deal (EGD). To accomplish this task, the Commission requires expertise which interest groups are able to provide. These groups which represent private and public interests provide information through lobbying and exert influence in the policy process. This paper provides insight into the private actors' lobbying strategies concerning the Green Deal. The theoretical frameworks that will be utilized to describe the lobby strategies are the access of interest groups in European policies through their expertise, the institutional framework of the EU and the policy issue characteristics. These frameworks are explained to provide a better understanding of the empirical findings. For the empirical research, qualitative content analysis will be applied to four energy private associations’ documents that are available in the public sphere. Finally, the findings will lead the study to argue that private associations are highly active in the policy process of the EGD and they apply informative lobbying to target the European Commission. Further research in the lobbying behaviour and influence of the energy sector in the implementation of the EGD is also suggested.Show less
Most nations are a mix of various ethnicities and backgrounds, especially prevalent within the European Union. With the emphasis that is currently based on nationality and ‘belonging’, the European...Show moreMost nations are a mix of various ethnicities and backgrounds, especially prevalent within the European Union. With the emphasis that is currently based on nationality and ‘belonging’, the European Migrant Crisis, brought these sentiments to the forefront. With the sudden rise in asylum applications, the shock was reverberated throughout the continent. Since its creation, the EU and its member states have always been a goal destination for those seeking asylum. When member states aim to join the union, they must adhere to certain regulations with regards to various concepts, such as the right to asylum. As each nation had its own asylum system that was not unified under supranational regulations, the communication between the nations were blocked. With the realisation that a unified asylum system had to be created, the EU set out to complete this. But with the unification of asylum processes and regulations, the member states had to change their national asylum systems in accordance with EU regulation as well. But unifying more than 20 asylum systems proved difficult. As an emphasis is primarily based on the EU perspective, this research will be conducted from a member state perspective. This an attempt will be made to further identify and consequently understand the causes of variation within the member states. Instead of focusing on the EU aspect of this, an emphasis will be made in understand the variation from a bottom-up aspect, essentially from the view of the case studies.Show less
The United Kingdom sends teams to Global Sporting Events (GSEs) with great frequency. These GSEs often take place in locations with questionable, or condemnable, human rights records. Despite this,...Show moreThe United Kingdom sends teams to Global Sporting Events (GSEs) with great frequency. These GSEs often take place in locations with questionable, or condemnable, human rights records. Despite this, in the political science field there is a lack of analysis of the messaging of the UK government as concerns participation in these events. This thesis will attempt to fill this gap in the literature. By focusing on the created narratives of the DCMS and the Foreign Office, I shall be able to analyse whether the UK talks out of both sides of its mouth around participation in these events. I shall apply elements of Festinger’s dissonance theory to the narratives created by the DCMS and Foreign Office with the goal of understanding whether the UK government was coherent in their messaging toward participation in World Cups in Brazil 2014 and Russia 2018.Show less
In a quickly globalizing world, it is important to understand how foreign-policy takes shape. Using a constructivist perspective, this thesis researches the relationship between foreign-policy and...Show moreIn a quickly globalizing world, it is important to understand how foreign-policy takes shape. Using a constructivist perspective, this thesis researches the relationship between foreign-policy and individual decision-makers. To do so, this thesis composes the belief-systems of Barack Obama and Donald Trump and provides an overview of their administration’s foreign-policy towards China. Thereby it uncovers the relationship between the two phenomena. The belief-systems are composed though qualitative narrative analysis of speeches, delivered by the men throughout their time as president. The overview of American foreign policy towards China is composed though an inductive analysis of official foreign-policy documents. My research findings indicate that, for this specific case, there is indeed a relationship between the belief-systems of Barack Obama and Donald Trump and their administration’s foreign-policy towards China. Although the nature of this research does not allow for generalization, this thesis proves that the relationship between belief-systems and foreign-policy is important to research.Show less
The study investigated through a theory-testing setup the notion of whether offensive neo-realist assumptions hold true in the case of US-energy considerations of its own energy security, something...Show moreThe study investigated through a theory-testing setup the notion of whether offensive neo-realist assumptions hold true in the case of US-energy considerations of its own energy security, something that has previously not been studied in the literature. The analysis did this in regards to China as the main adversary of the United States today. Through a process-type tracing method the paper analyzed three crises; the 1973 oil crisis, the 2000’s oil crisis and the 2000’s gas crisis over two subsequent presidential terms. The findings indicated that the offensive neo-realist assumptions of the US vigorously pursuing its own energy security and sabotaging China’s did not hold true. The findings did however show that the US still pursued its own energy security goals on the international arena in a moderate, yet assertive manner, more aligning with the theoretical tenets of defensive neorealism. Further research on whether or not the defensive neorealist findings hold true regarding US-China relations across time would be beneficial to the theoretical debate.Show less
This thesis seeks to understand how the Belarusian democratic opposition influences the foreign policy of the European Union regarding Belarus by applying the boomerang pattern from Keck and...Show moreThis thesis seeks to understand how the Belarusian democratic opposition influences the foreign policy of the European Union regarding Belarus by applying the boomerang pattern from Keck and Sikkink (1998) on the case. The main argument of the study is that the boomerang pattern has to be complemented with the theory of resource exchange to understand the mechanism behind the pattern. Resource exchange holds that influence over policy can be exchanged for a valuable resource. The mechanism is expected to work because transnational advocacy networks from a country neighbouring the EU have security as a valuable resource as stability at their home state enhances both domestic and European security. The research shows that the boomerang pattern is present between the Belarusian democratic opposition and the EU. Nonetheless, the thrown and caught boomerang are not similar because the resource of security is incorporated in the caught European boomerang and not in the thrown Belarusian boomerang. Therefore, the success of the boomerang pattern depends on the process and not on the resource presented by the transnational advocacy network to the international ally. In other words, the overlap between the presented and perceived resource determines the success of the boomerang pattern.Show less
While human trafficking is a major issue in every part of the European Union (EU), one Member State – the Netherlands – experiences trafficking rates which surpass those of its fellow EU Members....Show moreWhile human trafficking is a major issue in every part of the European Union (EU), one Member State – the Netherlands – experiences trafficking rates which surpass those of its fellow EU Members. In 2011, the EU Anti-Trafficking Directive was created with the overall intention of standardizing and implementing measures across the EU to combat human trafficking. The following article aims to explain why the Netherlands maintains exceptionally high human trafficking rates compared to the remainder of EU Member States, even though it has officially signed on to this directive. I examine the situation from a compliance perspective to understand whether causes of non-compliance such as corruption, a lack of benefits associated with complying, or the failure of national regulations to align with international stipulations is responsible. I then see whether the legal status of prostitution impedes the effectiveness of the directive’s stipulations which are directly correlated with variance in human trafficking rates. The time period I focus on is 2000-2020, beginning with the Dutch legalization of prostitution and continuing until the year in which I conduct this study. Doing so allows me to focus on the most recent and relevant information. The overall argument this articles makes is that non-compliance with the EU Anti-Trafficking Directive is not the cause of the Netherlands’ inability to curb human trafficking rates, as the directive actually fails to achieve its desired results due to the legal status of prostitution interfering with its success. I rely on information gathered through a discourse analysis of published data from the European Commission, EU Parliament, news articles, and surveys, along with interviews with Dutch government officials who specialize in the fields of legalized prostitution, human trafficking, and policy development to support this conclusion.Show less
