This thesis will try to shed light upon the interactions of the state with the public in the landscape of a changing state-society relationship and the consolidation of a dominant hegemonic power,...Show moreThis thesis will try to shed light upon the interactions of the state with the public in the landscape of a changing state-society relationship and the consolidation of a dominant hegemonic power, in order to find answers to these contemporary questions and establish an understanding of the contemporary political and social landscape – and their interrelatedness – in the Turkish state. Therefore, this thesis will combine concepts from societal and political studies – namely Public Sphere, Identity Politics and Modes of Governance – to point out their interconnectedness and, perhaps, mutually enforcing nature. Through in-depth analyses of the context, the AKP’s campaign and of electoral behaviour during the 2002, 2007 and 2015 parliamentary and – in the case of 2007 – presidential elections, this essay will cover the question what strategies are being used by Erdogan and the AKP to alter the public sphere and utilize the changed societal sentiments for their own cause. Ultimately, this thesis serves to establish a comprehensive theoretical framework and case study analysis on the contemporary political situation in Turkey in times of elections and to add another facet to the research on the interconnectedness of social transformation and state policies.Show less
The article explores Turkey's renewed interest in the Balkans through the scope of neo-Ottomanism. It researches the effects of Turkey's neo-Ottomanist Foreign Policy. The article devotes a special...Show moreThe article explores Turkey's renewed interest in the Balkans through the scope of neo-Ottomanism. It researches the effects of Turkey's neo-Ottomanist Foreign Policy. The article devotes a special look into the minority politics in Bulgaria. It researches the shifts in Turkish Foreign Policy towards the Turkish minorities in the Balkans under the ruling AK party in Turkey.Show less
The overwhelming majority of the more than five and a half million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries in the Middle East without their civil documents. Particularly in a refugee context, it...Show moreThe overwhelming majority of the more than five and a half million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries in the Middle East without their civil documents. Particularly in a refugee context, it is crucial for the standard of living for Syrian refugees and eventual return to Syria to be adequately documented. Complex civil registration systems in the host countries, however, often prevent Syrian refugees from obtaining civil documentation, thereby expanding the problem of the lack and loss of civil documentation of Syrian refugees. This thesis examines the different civil registration systems and their consequences for Syrian refugees in Jordan, Turkey, and Lebanon through an in-depth analysis focusing on legal status, marriage and birth registration. This thesis argues that the difference in implemented civil registration systems is determined by each host country’s social, political, and economic situation before and during the Syrian refugee influx and the extent to which the Syrian refugees have impacted the country, positively and negatively. In Turkey, the government has adopted a temporary protection regime, which includes refugee-sensitive civil registration systems. However, in Lebanon and to a lesser extent Jordan, Syrian refugees are still facing many challenges trying to obtain civil documentation due to the complex civil registration systems. As the eight years of hosting refugees has turned out more harmful than beneficial for the host countries, discussions on the return of Syrian refugees has increasingly become louder. However, a lot of change is still required to ensure that Syrian refugees are adequately documented.Show less
Turkey has applied to be member of the European Community already in 1987. Up to this day however, it has not joined and the negotiations have come to a halt. The debate about whether Turkey should...Show moreTurkey has applied to be member of the European Community already in 1987. Up to this day however, it has not joined and the negotiations have come to a halt. The debate about whether Turkey should join the European Union and whether it is compatible with its community has been highly politicised over the last years. The discussion usually revolves around whether Turkey is Eu- ropean enough to be a part of the Union, whether it fulfils all the fundamental criteria to join on an economic, political and social level as well as whether Turkey’s membership would bring about a form of cultural clash. The discourse around the topic and the language employed by policy makers has so far not been as well researched. This paper therefore explores the following research questi- on: “What is the role of an ‘othering’ discourse in the Turkey EU membership negotiations?”. It explores the theoretical framework of Othering and how it connects to the concept of Orientalism. Building on how Europe historically defines itself against an Other, both sides will be analysed on their language. Using methods of critical discourse analysis, the language of Turkish and EU insti- tutional policy makers is examined. Based on this research, tentative conclusions are drawn about the underlying meaning of speeches and remarks and how they fit into the framework of Othering.Show less
Despite their deeply patriarchal and macho culture, Latin America, and more recently Turkey, have seen a rise of female leaders in national politics. This paper’s intention is to explain this...Show moreDespite their deeply patriarchal and macho culture, Latin America, and more recently Turkey, have seen a rise of female leaders in national politics. This paper’s intention is to explain this phenomenon by studying the impact of local culture and the gender roles that it engenders on the political behaviour of female politicians, and how female leaders make use of those gender roles to gain popularity and support. The paper runs through the local history and culture of the aforementioned regions with respect to female presence in politics, and exposes the male/female leadership models used by female politicians. Thence, it takes a deeper look into three contemporary female political figures, each corresponding to a different female leadership model: Cristina Kirchner for “wife”, Michelle Bachelet for “daughter”, and Meral Akşener for “neither”, signifying an independent female leader. The results obtained through visual and Critical Discourse Analysis reveal that the three scrutinized female politicians resort to both female and male gender roles, enabling them to benefit from the advantages of both gender roles, consequently increasing their political popularity and grip on power.Show less
Why do some minorities resort to ethnic political violence against the state? How do states’ nation-building practices and their often accompanying assimilationist state policies influence this...Show moreWhy do some minorities resort to ethnic political violence against the state? How do states’ nation-building practices and their often accompanying assimilationist state policies influence this decision? This research delves into these questions by means of a comparative analysis between two state-minority relationships, that of the Amazigh minority with the Moroccan state and the Kurdish minority with the Turkish state. Whereas both minorities have been subject to their states’ nation-building endeavours, the Amazigh minority unlike the Kurdish minority has not resorted to violence as a response to this. Both factors related to the state and factors to do with minorities’ ability to mobilize have been shown to influence this decision. Based upon an historical analysis of these factors for both cases, the findings of this research strongly suggest that conditions of political exclusion and discrimination, heavy state interference in both the public and private domain, and violent state repression specifically aimed at an ethnic minority can explain the resort to ethnic political violence of minorities. At the same time, the findings call into question the explanatory capability of economic factors with regard to the rise of ethnic political violence.Show less
Denialism in Turkey has been a phenomenon which has gained significant precedence since the Armenian genocide of 1915. The Turkish governments over the last century have been accountable for...Show moreDenialism in Turkey has been a phenomenon which has gained significant precedence since the Armenian genocide of 1915. The Turkish governments over the last century have been accountable for several crimes which have been inflicted amongst several minority groups within the country causing a grave loss to their identities, memories, property and possessions. Denial has played an intrinsic role within the violence which has been inflicted amongst people to diverge the scene from criminal acts to portray justification of their motives instead.Show less
On 18 March 2016, the EU – Turkey Statement was conducted by the heads of states or governments of the EU and Ahmed Davutoğlu, Turkish minister of foreign affairs, with the aim to control irregular...Show moreOn 18 March 2016, the EU – Turkey Statement was conducted by the heads of states or governments of the EU and Ahmed Davutoğlu, Turkish minister of foreign affairs, with the aim to control irregular migration from the Aegean Sea towards the European Union. Yet, concerns have been raised regarding the compliance of the EU – Turkey Statement with human rights. Human rights have to be respected in the EU member states as well as in Turkey. When Turkey does not respect these rights, it cannot be considered as safe. As long as Turkey cannot be considered as a safe third country, the EU – Turkey Statement will violate the law of the European Union. This would not only have consequences for the current Statement, but also for similar statements conducted in the near future in which the EU – Turkey Statement might serve as a blueprint for human rights violations. To that end, the aim of this thesis is to examine the compatibility of the EU – Turkey Statement with international and European law, based on human dignity, the right to asylum, the principle of non-refoulement and the assumption of Turkey as a safe third country. The legal examination resulted in the main findings that the EU – Turkey Statement shows malfunctions on the upholding of human rights in the European Union and that Turkey cannot be considered as a safe third country. This because Turkey is part of the Geneva Convention with geographical limitation, the absence for non-Europeans to be granted with asylum in Turkey, a history of violations concerning the non-refoulement principle and serious concerns for inhuman or degrading treatment. In other words, the EU – Turkey Statement is not in accordance with European law and does not safeguard human rights.Show less
While Turks have been welcomed to the German Federal Republic (FRG) with the launch of the guest worker program in the 1960s, their presence seems to have developed into a contemporary issue. The...Show moreWhile Turks have been welcomed to the German Federal Republic (FRG) with the launch of the guest worker program in the 1960s, their presence seems to have developed into a contemporary issue. The purpose of this thesis is thus to examine the reasons and effects of a change in public perception regarding the migration of Turks to the FRG between the 1960s and the present day. This development will be revealed through an analysis of magazine articles from the 1960s as well as more recent ones, and the distinctive media framing of Turks within them. The change in perception of Turkish individuals in Germany will be analyzed from an interdisciplinary approach, including economic, identity, cultural and political perspectives. First, a range of migration theories will be reviewed and a short historical background will be given in order to contextualize the subject matter. Subsequently, the main factors contributing to a change in the perception of Turkish migrants in Germany will be highlighted by presenting economic, identity and culturally driven, as well as political factors. This approach is vital since all of the named factors had a considerable effect in shaping the way Turks are being viewed. As will be highlighted by the research, the perception of Turkish migrants in Germany subsists to be a particularly significant one, due to its contribution to country’s identity, culture, society and everyday life. The migration of Turks to Germany is not only a subject of much and ongoing controversy, but has also been shaping German identity, culture and discourse in a considerable way. The research will thus contribute to the already existing field through an interdisciplinary approach, revealing the connection of a range of factors in shaping the perception of Turkish migrants within Germany. This will consequently allow for a broader and more advanced insight into the overall subject matter.Show less
A mother’s decision-making process underlying the choice of her delivery method in the months leading up to birth is not only a highly complex and non-linear development as Mina’s story above...Show moreA mother’s decision-making process underlying the choice of her delivery method in the months leading up to birth is not only a highly complex and non-linear development as Mina’s story above suggests, but also a politically, socially and economically charged experience. In Turkey in particular, mothers-to-be are affected by a changing political rhetoric portrayed in national media, the influence of friends and family within their immediate social surroundings, and the cultural understanding of the doctor’s role in the clinical environment. Accordingly, my research puts forward that the Global Health challenge of unprecedented increases in C-sections world-wide cannot be viewed independently of the specific environment through which mothers navigate leading up to birth. Although influencing factors in the decision-making process stem from the political, social and medical perceptions at large, their composition is highly context dependant. Through the lens of body politics, my research will address the medicalization of the female body as well as the increasing normalizing of the surgical birth procedure intended for emergencies. Rooted in biopower, body politics, as informed by Dr. Wendy Harcourt, will constitute the framework to make sense of the factors influencing women leading up to their delivery. Using this approach, my qualitative research will shed light on how women’s decision-making processes regarding child delivery are shaped in Turkey’s political, socio-cultural and clinical environment.Show less
“Although, according to the founders of the Republic of Turkey, a Turkish ethnic nationalist ideology had to become the fabric of society, the irony is that this ideology is at the same time the...Show more“Although, according to the founders of the Republic of Turkey, a Turkish ethnic nationalist ideology had to become the fabric of society, the irony is that this ideology is at the same time the main source of political conflict and violence” (Jongerden 2001, 81). The establishment of the Turkish Republic under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal, consolidating Turkish Nationalism as State Ideology, was the beginning of a history full of paradoxes and contradictions. Especially the Turkish central government and the Kurdish community entered a century of ups and downs what would become known as the ‘Kurdish Question’. While the Turkish Nationalists have remained constant in their ideology, the Kurds have witnessed a turbulent ideological development throughout history, which has both divided as unified the Kurdish community on different occasions. Although the dream of an independent Kurdistan has always been in the background, the Kurdish community has not always been able to pursue this dream, or been willing to. In the more modern days, however, when the Kurds in Turkey became more active again in their struggle for independence, the PKK gained prominence among the Kurds, with Abdullah Ocalan as its leader. Thereupon, since the late 1990s, Ocalan would become to represent the PKK, whereas the PKK in its turn would represent the entire Kurdish Nation (Bozarslan 2008, 351). Thus, when Abdullah Ocalan came up with the ideology of democratic confederalism, the Kurdish community followed. How did Ocalan, however, after all these years, come up with this ideology one may wonder, and how does this democratic confederalism apply to the ‘Kurdish Question’? In order to be able to research this complicated issue in the most effective ways, the theoretical framework of the issue must be determined and defined correctly, prior to the actual analysis of the case. This means that in order to fully comprehend concepts such as the ‘Nation-State’, it must be established what the concepts of the ‘Nation’ and the ‘State’ individually withhold, after which, the concept of the ‘Nation-State’ can be explained and analyzed in the light of the Kurdish Question. Furthermore, to properly grasp these conceptions, we must understand their foundations. Therefore, by means of chronological order, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Ernest Renan, and Max Weber will be examined, to lay down the basic rationale behind ‘State formation’, ‘the Nation’ and the ‘State’. In addition, the contexts of ‘Nationalism’ and the Right to Self-Determination will be assessed. Based on this theoretical framework the ideological development of the Kurds in Turkey will be decomposed and analyzed to investigate how the direct secessionist Kurdish ambitions for an independent Nation-State evolved into an ideology of Democratic Confederalism.Show less
This paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an...Show moreThis paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an idea which has not been examined adequately in academia thus far. Initially the concept of power in IR will be introduced with a special mention to its European form. Afterwards, the EU’s relationship with two revisionist regional actors (Turkey and Russia) is explored. The first case, examines the EU’s handling of Turkey during the displacement crisis and the latter’s shift towards authoritarianism. It will be shown that despite the fact that the EU has managed to dramatically decrease the influx of people in its territory, it has paid a steep political cost domestically and internationally. The second case shows how Russian preferential treatment to certain member-states impeded a unified approach from the EU. Only after the events in Ukraine a unilateral approach was agreed. Both cases show that the European understanding and usage of power is limited and prohibits the development of an ambitious policy mainly due to the current level of European integration and member-states will. Such results are important as they not only show current limitations of the EU’s policy-making, but also highlight some of the areas that require amelioration in order to enhance the EU’s capabilities in todays’ challenges.Show less
De laatste tien à vijtien jaar is er in Turkije onder invloed van het verschijnsel “Ottomania,” nostalgie en liefde voor alles wat naar de Osmaanse tijd ‘smaakt,’ redelijk veel geschreven over de...Show moreDe laatste tien à vijtien jaar is er in Turkije onder invloed van het verschijnsel “Ottomania,” nostalgie en liefde voor alles wat naar de Osmaanse tijd ‘smaakt,’ redelijk veel geschreven over de Osmaanse keuken en met name Osmaanse gerechten. Kookboeken om thuis de authentieke Osmaanse cuisine te doen herleven worden als warme broodjes verkocht. Een vergelijkbare fascinatie voor de Osmaanse cultuur is op het gebied van dranken te zien. Zo wordt boza, een gefermenteerd drankje van gierst dat erg populair was in Osmaanse tijden maar een tijd lang, op een enkele uitzondering na nergens meer verkocht werd, nu verkocht in Turkse supermarkten. Deze plotselinge hernieuwde belangstelling voor boza wekte bij mij de interesse op om de geschiedenis van de Turkse drinkcultuur te onderzoeken: Wat dronken de Osmanen, waren er problematische dranken, veranderde de drinkcultuur met de oprichting van de Republiek Turkije in 1923, hoe kunnen we de opleving van de belangstelling voor Osmaanse drankjes sinds enkele jaren verklaren en wat zijn de redenen voor het recente alcoholverbod/genotsmiddelenontmoedigingsbeleid van de AKP-regering?Show less
By taking the Gülen Movement and Turkish regime as a case study, the aim of the thesis is to expose the developments in the state-society relationship, to seek why is the Turkish regime becoming...Show moreBy taking the Gülen Movement and Turkish regime as a case study, the aim of the thesis is to expose the developments in the state-society relationship, to seek why is the Turkish regime becoming increasingly authoritarian by examining international and domestic threats, and whether the Gülen movement is formally transformed into a scapegoat to give a rationale for government’s actions. An answer to the proposed research question: “What are the motivations of the Turkish government for targeting the Gülen Movement since 2012, and is this a strategy to shift away the focus from rising authoritarianism in Turkey?” is provided by confirming the hypothesis of the government scapegoating the Gülen movement to consolidate power and to shift the focus from its growing authoritarianism.Show less
The EU-Turkey Deal concluded on the 18th of March 2016 has as its main goal the reduction of irregular migration. It is the latest evidence of the increasing externalization of the European Union’s...Show moreThe EU-Turkey Deal concluded on the 18th of March 2016 has as its main goal the reduction of irregular migration. It is the latest evidence of the increasing externalization of the European Union’s asylum policies which is achieved through the conclusion of agreements between the Union and third countries regarding asylum processes. It allows the EU to maintain control over entries into its territory and the asylum process, yet questions have arisen regarding its ability to uphold the rights of asylum seekers and provide respect for fundamental human rights. Under Article 80 TFEU, Union policies are to be governed by the principles of solidarity and responsibility sharing within the European Union and in its relation to the wider world. The EU-Turkey Deal implies Turkey’s status as a Safe Third Country on the basis of Article 38 of the Asylum Procedure Directive under the Common European Asylum System. A failed military coup, a violent breakdown and a refugee population of 2.8 million people of which most are without basic needs all hint toward Turkey’s inability to be designated a Safe Third Country. Many angles to the EU Turkey Deal have been examined, except for its conformity with international and European law. This is where this research paper comes in. It examines Turkey status as a Safe Third Country and investigate its conformity with and ability to uphold the principles of solidarity and responsibility sharing and provide respect for fundamental human rights. To that end, this research paper analyses primary legal sources combined with NGO reports to deconstruct Turkey’s status as a Safe Third Country. An argumentative legal dogmatic methodology examines whether Turkey was in compliance with obligations arising out of international, European and Turkish legal sources. The findings of this analysis are combined with the analysis of the most important court cases of the European Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Justice and NGO reports. This research papers’ main finding is that Turkey cannot be designated as a Safe Third Country and that the Deal violates international and European law. This because Turkey is in breach of three essential requirements to be designated a Safe Third Country; it does not respect the principle of nondiscrimination, it does not respect the principle of non-refoulement and it does not provide for access to the asylum procedure. This results in an inability of the Deal and Turkey to uphold the rights of asylum seekers and to provide for solidarity and responsibility sharing.Show less
In the last several years, Turkey’s relationship with the EU has strongly deteriorated over the country’s equally deteriorating human rights conditions. However, there was a time when Turkey was...Show moreIn the last several years, Turkey’s relationship with the EU has strongly deteriorated over the country’s equally deteriorating human rights conditions. However, there was a time when Turkey was dedicated to its reform process for the purpose of EU accession. As the EU views itself as a normative power, and it had been relatively successful in advancing minority rights in the CEECs, why had it not been able to do the same in Turkey? This thesis researched: why was the EU unable to advance the Aramean property cases during the height of Turkey’s accession negotiations (2005-2011)? It tested this question based on Nye’s (2008) use of smart power, wherein public diplomacy plays a central role. Additionally, it tested Schimmelfennig & Sedelmeier’s (2004) application of carrots and sticks in the case of EU accession. It found that, with regard to Turkey in the Aramean property case, the EU failed to engage in public diplomacy and lacked credibility to effectively apply its carrots and sticks against Turkey.Show less
The foreign policy of Turkey, as summarized on the Website of the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), states that “Turkey is on the right side of history….Her most important...Show moreThe foreign policy of Turkey, as summarized on the Website of the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), states that “Turkey is on the right side of history….Her most important advantages come from her central geography…” (MFA, 2018b, p. 1). The centrality of Turkey, as rhetorically presented in this Turkish foreign policy summary, is expressed with reference to two geographies in particular: The Middle East and Europe. In terms of Europe, the Turkish foreign policy document includes the following statements: Turkey is pursuing membership of the European Union, underlining that her membership would benefit both the EU and Turkey. Turkey is actively contributing to the efforts to address many challenges that also effect Europe…Turkey is part and parcel of Europe and almost all European institutions. (MFA, 2018b, p. 1) In terms of the Middle East, the Turkish foreign policy summary notes Turkey’s position as part of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) as well as various ties, bilateral and collective, to countries in the Middle East. The emergence of strategic centrality as a pillar of Turkish foreign policy appears to date from the 2000 publication of Ahmet Davutoğlu’s Strategic Depth: Turkey’s International Position (Murinson, 2006). In this book, Davutoğlu, then a professor and subsequently to become both the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister of Turkey, articulated what has since come to be called Neo-Ottomanism (Kraidy & Al-Ghazzi, 2013; Türkeş, 2016). The Ottoman Empire, which was formally replaced by the Republic of Turkey in 1923, possessed the “central geography” cited by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the “strategic depth” of Davutoğlu’s book. Despite the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the resulting Turkish state replicated some of the geographic and strategic dynamics of its predecessor, with its borders placed directly between the Middle East in the east and south, Russia in the north, and Greece and the Balkans in the west. The characteristics and direction of Turkish foreign policy can be examined not only by analysis of larger themes (such as Neo-Ottomanism) and documents (such as Strategic Depth), but also through a document analysis of official announcements made by the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Such documents exist dating back to January, 2002, and, of the writing of this proposal, are current until January, 2018. These documents are of interest for a number of reasons. More importantly, the documents contain distinct eras in Turkish foreign policy. The documents made available on the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Website overlap with the Prime Ministerial rule of five people: Bülent Ecevit, Abdullah Gül, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Ahmet Davetoğlu, and Binali Yıldırım. Of these Prime Ministers, the latter four were connected with the Ak Party, but at different eras. Of the Ak Party-affiliated Prime Ministers of Turkey, Binali Yıldırım has the reputation of somewhat being Erdoğan’s personal assistant, whereas both Gül and Davetoğlu have reputations of being somewhat independent from Erdoğan (Cagatay, 2017). In addition, during the 16-year period covered by the Turkish documents, Turkey has had eight Foreign Ministers. Thus, an analysis of the official announcements made by the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs can reveal changes in the orientation of Turkish policy over time. The objective of this empirical study is to provide such an analysis.Show less
